A century ago, a prosperous Black neighborhood perished in the Tulsa Race Massacre at the hands of a white mob. Hundreds were killed. Buildings burned. Years of Black success were erased.
We recreated the neighborhood in 3D to show what was lost. nyti.ms/3bNK4wD
In 1921, the Tulsa neighborhood of Greenwood was a fully realized antidote to racial oppression of the time. It was a thriving community of commerce and family life to its roughly 10,000 residents.
It became home to what was known as America’s Black Wall Street.
What took years to build was erased in less than 24 hours in one of the worst racial terror attacks in U.S. history — sending the dead into mass graves and forever altering family trees. nyti.ms/3bNK4wD
This 3D model shows what had been built before the massacre.
The 100 block of Greenwood Ave. may best tell the story of Black entrepreneurship. You could shop for groceries, play pool, take in a theater show, eat dinner or get your hair styled — without ever leaving the block.
John and Loula Williams came to symbolize Greenwood's entrepreneurial spirit. They owned a confectionery and the nearby East End Garage. They also owned the 750-seat Williams Dreamland Theatre, the first movie house for Black people in the city. nyti.ms/3bNK4wD
Several women also set up shop as entrepreneurs on Greenwood Avenue.
Mary E. Jones Parrish was a teacher and journalist who operated a typing school. Mabel B. Little ran the Little Rose Beauty Salon on the block. nyti.ms/3bNK4wD
But Greenwood was more than the one block.
This recreation shows the neighborhood before the massacre.
It was one of the few places in the country offering Black citizens — less than six decades out of enslavement — a three-dimensional life. nyti.ms/3bNK4wD
And then came the massacre that ended it all.
The assaults raged over two days. The morning of June 2, 1921 revealed emptiness and ruin. Plumes of smoke hovered in the air.
Soon, the bodies of those killed were stacked and discarded in mass graves and a river.
It all began on May 30 with two teenagers in an elevator and morphed into a sexual assault accusation. Accounts vary about what happened; we know a Black teenager was later arrested and a newspaper headline essentially mobilized a lynch mob. nyti.ms/3bNK4wD
Some white rioters were deputized and given weapons by officials. The white mob descended on Greenwood. Black Tulsans fought back, defending their families and property. But they were outnumbered. nyti.ms/3bNK4wD
The mob indiscriminately shot Black people in the streets, ransacked homes and set fires “house by house, block by block,” a 2001 state commission found.
Planes flown by white people dropped dynamite, in what historians said is among the first aerial attacks of an American city.
The numbers presented a staggering portrait of loss:
— 35 blocks burned to the ground
— As many as 300 dead; hundreds injured
— 8,000 to 10,000 homeless
— More than 1,470 buildings burned or looted
— Eventually, 6,000 held in internment camps nyti.ms/3bNK4wD
The Dreamland Theatre that the Williams family owned was destroyed. The family, among the most successful before the massacre, stayed and rebuilt.
Others had both admirable and heartbreaking second chapters.
Greenwood thrived again for a few decades, then fell to urban renewal and other forces. For decades, Tulsa deliberately ignored and covered up what had happened.
To this day, not one person has been prosecuted or punished for the destruction. nyti.ms/3bNK4wD
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The reactions from Republicans in Congress to Donald Trump’s documents indictment have ranged from the rare acknowledgments that he may have committed a crime to more extreme statements like comparing the U.S. to a dictatorship under Joe Biden. nytimes.com/interactive/20…
Of the 271 Republicans in the House and Senate, more than half have issued statements or commented on social media about the indictment.
A small number have made statements about the indictment that did not immediately dismiss the investigation. nytimes.com/interactive/20…
At least 100 Republicans, from across the party’s ideological spectrum, have questioned the circumstances around the indictment, the timing of its release or a perceived unfairness in how the law has been applied. nytimes.com/interactive/20…
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We often talk about the grid like a single, cohesive machine. But, in reality, there are three grids in the U.S — one in the West, one in the East and one in Texas — that only connect at a few points and share little power between them. nyti.ms/3p7DWJg
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The New York Times measured noise exposure in rural Mississippi, New York City, and suburban California and New Jersey, and consulted more than 30 scientists to examine how noise could take years off your life. nyti.ms/3MYGtO1
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Total family wealth in the U.S. has tripled since 1989, reaching $140 trillion in 2022.
Of the $84 trillion projected to be passed down from older Americans to millennial and Gen X heirs through 2045, $16 trillion will be transferred in the next decade. nyti.ms/3W312gr
The top 10% of households will be giving and receiving a majority of the wealth. The top 1% — with about as much wealth as the bottom 90%, — will dictate the broadest share of the money flow. The bottom 50% will account for 8% of transfers. nyti.ms/3W312gr
Recep Tayyip Erdogan, Turkey’s longtime incumbent leader, will head to a presidential election runoff for the first time in his career after falling short of the 50% needed to win in national elections on Sunday. nyti.ms/3M0eQ6G
Erdogan still had the most votes, including more than the opposition leader Kemal Kilicdaroglu, as of Monday. But the provinces that contain Istanbul and Ankara, Turkey’s two largest cities, voted for Kilicdaroglu after both voted for Erdogan in 2018. nyti.ms/3M0eQ6G
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Since 2014, a group of nonprofits has pulled in $89 million from donors who were pitched on building political support for police officers, veterans and firefighters. But just 1% of the money was used to that end according to our findings. nyti.ms/3Ibq2w9
About 90% of the money the groups raised was simply sent back to their fund-raising contractors, to feed a self-consuming loop where donations were spent to find more donors. The contractors had no significant operations other than fund-raising. nyti.ms/3Ibq2w9