I don't love this framing. ImageImage
This one is more sensible. Does anyone want to make the case that "559,000 more Americans chose to work in May" would be equally reasonable? If not, can we dispense with the idea that labor market outcomes are determined symmetrically by labor supply and demand? Image
The point that **employment levels are chosen by employers** is so banal and obvious there would be no reason to even mention it, if we weren't hearing so much nonsense about employment being held back by "labor supply constraints".
Anyone who's seen a hiring process knows how it works: The employer decides on positions to fill, then looks for people to fill them. There aren't quite zero cases where they set a wage and then see how many people show up, but they're so few and marginal there might as well be.
In both product and labor markets, the quantity is chosen by the buyer.

(The difference is that in the labor market the buyer also sets the price, whereas in most product markets other than agriculture and minerals, the price is set by the seller.)
Of course an employer might find it harder than expected to fill a position. but they have lots of margins to adjust on in that case - more effort from existing employees in the short run, and then higher wages, more recruitment effort, relaxing job requirements, etc.
To the extent these steps raise costs which eventually get passed on to prices or result in longer delivery times, that might in turn reduce sales; but directly reducing output and turning away customers as a result of insufficient labor is not something that normally happens.
On the other hand, a business that sees a big fall in sales is almost always going to reduce employment. Not in strict proportion, at least in the short run. But almost always to some extent. It's a far more direct and reliable link than the one going the other way.
At the macro level, real world capitalist economies are not usefully described in terms of sloping supply and demand curves. Rather, there is a one way set of causal links, from demand --> output --> employment.
This does not mean that labor supply is irrelevant - modern economies don't generally exist in a Lewisian situation of unlimited surplus labor. But the direct effect of what gets called labor supply is on wages and working conditions, not the level of employment.
And in general, there is no reason to expect higher wages to lead to lower demand -- thinking in terms of supply and demand curves just gives you a bad intuition here.
Higher wages lead to lower employment only insofar as they lead to lower aggregate demand. Which will happen only if policymakers deliberately move to reduce total spending in response to higher wages, or if business investment is very sensitive to the profit share.
On one level, all of this is obvious. But I think it's important to spell it out, in hope of avoiding the confused thinking that results when people think of aggregate employment as if it were just a generic market outcome from Econ 101.
There is no reason to expect higher wages to lead to lower *employment*, I should have written. And emphasize this is on the macro level. If you somehow arbitrarily raised wages for one small group of workers or businesses, that would be a different story.

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More from @JWMason1

4 Jun
Interesting: Because data on consumption basket can't be updated as quickly as prices, changes in consumption patterns distort inflation data. This probably led to exaggerated picture of price falls last year, and exaggerated picture of price rises now. ft.com/content/abad2b… Image
For example, the big rise in used vehicle prices is incorporated into CPI with a weight based on share of household spending on vehicles pre-pandemic. But less household spending goes to vehicle purchases now, so contribution to overall inflation numbers should have been smaller. Image
(I have to mention in passing a pet peeve of mine in discussions of price indexes: The constant assumption that the only thing that causes important changes in consumption patterns is relative prices. To be clear, this article doesn't do that.)
Read 7 tweets
3 Jun
Here's a new post from @rortybomb and me, on how to think about tomorrow's jobs numbers. rooseveltinstitute.org/2021/06/03/don…
There are three big things to keep in mind about tomorrow's jobs numbers. First, this stuff is noisy. Wherever the numbers come in, you should not draw strong conclusions from them; whatever the picture is now, it may look very different when the revised numbers come in.
While the revisions this spring weren't that big, they changed the picture in an important way: the initial numbers suggested accelerating growth over December-March, while the revised ones are closer to linear. This is important for interpreting the relatively low April number.
Read 14 tweets
1 Jun
Interesting figure from @dhneilson showing inventory changes over the past year. Makes clear that the initial economic impact of the pandemic was a fall in demand, no supply -- something that for some reason was controversial at the time. neilson.substack.com/p/two-price Image
Back in spring 2020, I insisted that the economic crisis was a fall in spending, not in potential output. In retrospect, I was right on that, tho - thanks to the extraordinary stimulus - I was wrong that the pandemic would lead to a conventional downturn. rooseveltinstitute.org/2020/03/19/how… Image
Also from spring 2020, this still seems very relevant. jwmason.org/slackwire/post… Image
Read 4 tweets
28 May
When the president says the goal is labor markets so tight that employers are competing for workers, and wages rise at the expense of profits - if you've followed macroeconomic debates over the past however many years, that's a big deal. whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/…
It's also important that he presents labor market tightness as important for power in the workplace. And employment and wage gaps between white and non-white workers as symptoms of less than full employment.
Poor Larry Summers must be tearing his hair out.
Read 7 tweets
27 May
Here's a beautiful application of Minsky's two-price model.

barrons.com/articles/house…
Minsky's big argument (which unfortunately gets overshadowed by the less interesting financial instability hypothesis) is that prices of long lived capital goods are fundamentally determined by financial/liquidity conditions in a way that prices of current output aren't.
This is one reason why money is never neutral, not even in the long run - more abundant money/credit doesn't just lead to higher spending, but spending on different things - specifically, more long-lived and illiquid ones.
Read 5 tweets
22 May
Currently reading Michael Heinrich's Karl Marx and the Birth of Modern Society, the first of a multi-volume intellectual biography of Marx. I'm really liking it.
One thing I like about it is that it is not just about Marx, it is - in the early sections - a social history of early 19th century Germany. Post-Napoleonic Trier was a very distinctive place.
Trier had been occupied by France, and effectively incorporated into it, for most of the 30 years before Marx was born. This had fundamentally reshaped society there in all sorts of ways, which were not necessarily reversed once the Congress of Vienna gave it to Prussia.
Read 12 tweets

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