Bravo, @DavidLaufmanLaw. A voice of reason. 🧵

The subpoenaing of reporters has been much in the news with many media organizations lauding the Biden Administration’s statement that issuing subpoenas for the records of reporters in leak investigations is not consistent with 1
the President’s policy as provided to DoJ. If this statement means the Administration has ruled out subpoenaing reporters under any circumstances in any leak investigation, this is, frankly, contrary to existing DoJ regulations developed and implemented during the Obama, not 2
the Trump, Administration.

A basic principle of the American judicial system is that the public has a right to every man’s evidence. No blanket exception exists for media members or newsgathering activities. Notably, there is no federal shield law protecting newsgathering 3
activities, so the use of subpoenas and other compulsory law enforcement measures has been, and should continue to be, a function of exercising prudent prosecutorial judgment.

The carefully constructed standards for the use of compulsory process with respect to the media 4
are found in regulatory guidance promulgated at 28 CFR §50.10, with further elaboration provided at §9-13.400 of the Justice Manual. These procedures clarify that the use of subpoenas and other “extraordinary” law enforcement measures must be approved by the Attorney General 5
and are to be employed only where all reasonable efforts to obtain the information have been exhausted.

These provisions embody sensible standards that recognize the First Amendment implications attending the use of compulsory process with respect to the media. The problems 6
that precipitated the Biden Administration’s recent statement are the product of an exercise of flawed prosecutorial judgment by a previous administration with little respect for the rule of law, and a noted antipathy for the rights of a free press. In my opinion, however, 7
the failures of that administration should not serve as a basis for abrogating the perfectly appropriate standards found in 28 CFR §50.10 and the Justice Manual. Thus, if the intent of the Biden Administration’s statement is, in fact, to convey a policy that prophylactically 8
bans the use of all compulsory process with respect to the media in leak investigations, that is, in my view, a flawed overcorrection to the mistakes of the previous administration. END

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More from @GeorgeCroner

31 Mar
I'm delighted at the successful effort by DoJ in this leaks case. But, again, the prosecution stops at the transfer to the reporter. Why? It's clear from the DoJ press release that the recipient reporter's news outlet published, in whole or in part, no less than 23 of the /1
documents leaked by Hale. Further, "[e]leven of [those]documents were marked as Top Secret or Secret."
DoJ's superseding indictment in the Julian Assange case lays out the approach to prosecuting the reporter/publisher receiving classified information, and I write about /2
the merit in prosecuting Assange here. law.upenn.edu/live/news/1105…

Clearly, the media members in this case knew they were publishing classified national security information. Assange is being prosecuted for what is, essentially, the same conduct /3
Read 5 tweets
16 Mar
To be clear, this ODNI report is a declassified version of the classified report, which remains classified. It differs from the 2017 IC Analysis, which focused exclusively on Russian activities and intentions regarding the 2016 election, by evaluating the conduct of other /1
foreign actors directed at the 2020 election. The Report uses the same estimative language as the 2017 version but, unlike 2017 version, does not identify the views of individuals agencies within the IC.
Key takeaways: (1) there is no indication that any foreign actor /2
attempted to alter any technical aspect of the 2020 voting process. The Report notes that"unlike 2016, we did not see persistent Russian efforts to gain access to election infrastructure." (2) But, Putin did authorize, and Russian actors conducted, influence ops aimed at /3
Read 11 tweets
25 Feb
There is a need for some context here. The FBI's FISA process has received justified criticism with respect to its Carter Page FISA applications. However, it is worth noting, given the implications of this post, that a review of other FBI FISA applications identified by the /1
DoJ IG revealed no material errors. Still, the Page situation produced plenty with which to be concerned about the FBI's FISA process. But, best not to get too far ahead on this case. The defendant, Gartenlaub, filed a motion to suppress in his criminal trial that was denied /2
by the trial judge so, unlike Page, a FISC judge reviewed the initial FISA application (likely for both surveillance and physical search authority) AND another federal judge reviewed the record in connection with the suppression motion filed at trial (concluding that the /3
Read 10 tweets
11 Nov 20
Since the NYT article refers to PA litigation, in PA there is a statute called the Dragonetti Act that codifies an action based on the wrongful use of civil proceedings.

But, more importantly, in federal court where this farce is playing out in PA, /1
there is good, old Rule 11 of the Federal Rule of Civil Procedure. It says: when a lawyer signs on to a lawsuit, the signature is a representation that (1) the action is not being filed for an improper purpose, (2) the claims are warranted under existing law or /2
by a non frivolous argument for extending existing law, and (3) that the factual contentions have evidentiary support. Violations of Rule 11 are punishable by court-ordered sanctions. I sincerely hope that, when this baseless litigation is dismissed, that the Biden folks /3
Read 4 tweets
10 Nov 20
Your parallels with Iran-Contra are well-taken. I worked on the Iran-Contra interagency group that coordinated the review and release of information to the Tower Commission, the Intel Committees, and the Independent Counsel. The decapitation of the Defense Department /1
the emasculation of the ODNI, and, now, even the installation of a partisan hack as General Counsel at NSA will only serve to muddy accountability and mask activities controlled out of the White House (like Iran-Contra) without customary oversight. We, at the interagency group /2
saw how the use of the NSC allowed partisan zealots to organize an international operation using enormous resources completely outside the purview of Congress or even the executive agency departments customarily charged with those functions. If nothing else, the neutering /3
Read 4 tweets
15 Oct 20
The former "acting" (and I use that term in its most literal sense) DNI is completely adrift on the "unmasking" issue, just as he was when he ordered the substantively pointless but politically motivated declassification of an NSA memo detailing Flynn unmasking requests made /1
at the end of 2016. Anyone who doubts the legitimacy of the surveillance that contributed to the questioning of Flynn needs to read Sally Yates's testimony given to the Senate Judiciary Cmte. in August. Here's the Washington Post's summary: 1) The Trump transition team was not /2
being surveilled, nor was Flynn. While she could not say why because of national security concerns, it was obvious that then- Russian ambassador Sergei Kislyak was the one being monitored. Flynn wound up being recorded when he spoke with Kislyak; 2) Flynn was attempting to /3
Read 16 tweets

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