1/ A while ago I promised to write a thread about why zoning is not the only (maybe not even the main) obstacle between us and the 15-minutes city, starting from my grandmother "latteria".
Today I deliver : a thread about commerce, logistic and city planning.
2/ Let's first start with Granma's Latteria, that she opened in 1959. It was a small neighborhood shop, technically a "milk shop", but more of a small grocery + cheese shop + bar in a secondary residential street within a small cluster (tobacco, butcher and vegetable shop)
3/ It was a typical family business, run primarily by nonna Giovanna with occasional help from grandpa during weekends and by my father and my aunt after school, especially for home deliveries by foot or bike
Quite the typical portrait of a neighborhood shop in the postwar years
4/ But starting from the 1970-80s a different type of commercial structure became common: larger retailers and franchise opening supermarkets of 1000-2000 sqm in dense residential neighborhoods.
Like that Coop, we used to go when we were kids (with roof parking, lol)
5/ It is nothing like zoning-imposed commercial strip box with large parking common in US at the time. Instead, the growing importance of large retailers (mostly cooperatives like Coop or Conad in Italy) pushed the planners to accomodate this new typology within the built city.
6/Another major transformation happened from the late 1980s: the arrival of French retailers on the Italian market, with ten years of experience in developing "hyper-markets" at home, pushed local retailers to join the rush to build giant "ipermercati", larger than 10,000 sqm
7/ Unlike in the US but like in France, those car-oriented ipermercati were essentially anchored to a large grocery retailer (10 to 15 k sqm), surrounded by a growingly franchise-dominated ancillary mall in a sea of parking at a major highway exit.
8/ Ironically, the first one to open in Bologna, "Shopville Gran Reno", was inaugurated in 1993 by the main investor of the venture, a guy called Silvio Berlusconi, who announced in that occasion his will to enter the political arena.
A cursed place.
9/ In the following few years, 5 more opened around the ring expressway, all needing a negotiated amendment to the Plan to be accommodated. Political pressure and the promise of more taxes lured many cities, especially small peri-urban municipalities, to accomodate those giants.
10/ It happened very quickly, in the matter of a decade. And as many people asked for policies to put a brake in those development that were quickly emptying out inner city shops, it was too little, too late (a very similar trajectory happened in France).
11/ Grandma retired in 1995, when her business was already suffering from this unbearable competition and her historical clientele was moving or passing away. She sold the business to a new owner, that retained the bar business only, but she too closed for good a few years later
12/ Since, all the small retailers in the same cluster closed one after the other. All but the tobacco shop, a regulated and protected activity. As you can see in the picture, two shops has been converted in ground floor apartments, considered more rentable.
13/ his case is hardly an exception: since the advent of large retailers, thousands of small neighborhood shops closed, many vacant spaces, even in the city center or new infill development, has been converted to homes, parking, offices,thanks to a quite loose land use regulation
14/ Planning policies to "reinvent" the local shop have had mixed results. The tentative to bring the hyper-market+mall format within walkable dense neighborhoods has been largely a failure, as for this reuse of an old factory for commercial use in the mid 2000s: bankrupted.
15/ A more positive trajectory has been observed for groceries, as many large retailers have since the mid-2000s started to come back to the city, opening small and medium size groceries in walkable neighborhoods as marges of growth for hyper-markets were getting thin.
16/ The latest trend in retail is today the medium size grocery in the margin between the car and the walking city, often serving a mixed clientele of walkers, bikers and drivers. Still, suburban mostly car-oriented boxes are popping up for non-food franchises.
17/ Finally, other very suburban and completely car oriented retail formats, like "shopping outlets", have popped up in the last twenty years in the middle of nowhere at motorways' exits, exploiting loopholes in the planning laws aimed at curbing further suburbanization of retail
18/ All this happened within a context of quite loose land use regulations, that allow most small neighborhood shops to be easily opened everywhere by-right and slightly larger ones (up to 1,000-2,000 sqm) to be opened with a quite fast ad hoc procedure.
19/ In Italy, that deep transformation of retail from a family business in walkable neighborhood to a largely car-oriented activity has not been engineered by planners, but largely driven by market forces sometimes opposed, sometimes accompanied by planning regulations.
20/ Even parking minimums came in the game quite late, as an inadequate and naïve reaction to the negative effects of early car-oriented retail built within the walkable dense fabric, in a cultural context where the car is still often considered the default transportation mode.
21/ Behind the shift away from neighborhood shops there are economies of scale, consumers preferences, logistic contraints and other logics that strictly Euclidean land use alone cannot produce nor impede, as a whole lifestyle has been built around the Sunday shopping by car
22/Does that mean that planning has no faults? Of course not. Planners worked actively to accomodate cars in our cities. And US Euclidean land use zoning is dumb because of its rigidness and its incapacity to allow the city to adapt to changing social and economic conditions
23/But there is much more than zoning alone to "blame" for the likes of Grandma's shop sitting sadly empty for the last twenty years
A whole Copernican shift in how we produce, we transport, we sell, and we consume good has been at play.And planning tools alone cannot change it
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It's always interesting to note how, unsurprisingly, the history of transportation planning is nested in the shifting larger paradigms of urban planning.
The only two sizable "greenfield" outlying sections of Frankfurt U-Bahn follow two different paradigms of urban integration.
The only greenfield section part of the overall pre-metro scheme built in the initial phases run either underground or in a freeway median, within an area of interwar (Romerstadt) and postwar modernist development.
Grade-separation was the "gold standard" for everything back then
The 2000s addition to the U-Bahn network, serving the large greenfield development of Riedberg, whose own urban design reverts to the "traditional" perimeter block, run as a tramway on a street tree-lined median with signal-controlled intersections. Quite the change of paradigm.
One of the reasons why French tramways tend to be relatively slow is that they often have very curvy and zigzagging alignments. There are two main reasons for that, one linked to the history of urban development in France, the other to how and when French networks developed.
The historical reason is that France, outside of Paris intramuros, it's not a country of Grand Boulevards and large urban schemes. With one of the most property owners-friendly land regimes, French cities mostly grew with chaotic street patterns during both the 19th and 20th c.
Streets, even major radial arterials, tend to be narrow until the postwar era, outside of a few isolated redevelopment schemes, such as Grenoble's 20th c. boulevards or Bordeaux 18th c. Triangle. Provincial elites never indulged in the grandiose schemes of the capital city.
Not only Seattle (and many other cities) opt for mined stations in city-center areas, but they also do it in the most bloated way, with full-length mezzanines and wide off-street access shafts.
Let's look at a more sober approach to mined stations from u/c Vienna's U5
First, the Seattle approach (veru common in NA mined stations) is to go with a large cavern encompassing both tracks, a central platform and a "full-length mezzanine, that is a slab above the platform level allowing for horizontal circulation outside of platform space
The wide two-level single cavern is connected to the vertical shafts via two "transepts" (mined tunnels perpendicular to the cavern), as the shafts are built rigorously off-street. Additionally, a diagonal mined tunnel can host escalators.
Today, the much-awaited, 5, 5 km, 8 station, metro line 6 in Naples was finally (re)opened* (with limited service) after a 40+ years-long saga that is emblematic of how the bad choices and habits of the 1980s still haunt Italy today.
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Naples' line 6 has a very troubled history. It was initially planned in the early 1980s as the "Linea Tranviaria Rapida", an LRT-like system mixing at-grade and grade-separated segments crossing the city East-West roughly along the coast.
It was planned following the approval of a national law encouraging the construction of "LRT-like" systems, to be built with local and national funds with the involvement of the state-controlled IRI conglomerate, via non-competitive 30 years "concessions of sole construction"
A recent exchange in here reminded me that historically there has essentially been two main paths toward level boarding of mainline rail.
The prevalence of one type or the other in a country depends a lot of when and how the railway became a commuter-oriented mobility tool.
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The 19th c. railways had very low platforms, just slightly higher than the tracks, either in wood, masonry, or simply a stone curb filled with gravel. Essentially, a glorified sidewalk.
That was ok for a railway with sparse traffic and generous dwelling times.
But platforms that require passengers to climb several steps to get into the trains, whose boogie-mounted floors are often >100 cm high above the track, are unfit for the need of the higher frequency, high traffic railway catering to the hinterland-to-city commuters.
How does Zurich achieve consistent running times and an elevated average speed on its legacy tramway network despite the fact that it's not fully running on dedicated lanes?
An example of urban integration and conflict management strategies along a segment of line 3
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Tramway line 3 covers the 4.3 km, 11-stop section between its terminus at Albisrieden to Sihlpost /HB in 16 minutes, with consistent running times throughout the say, averaging a pretty good 16 km/h speed.
How does it achieve these performances?
Let's start from line 3 western terminal loop, where the tram enters the general circulation protected by a traffic light and then continues along the central lanes of a suburban street. All lateral streets yield to the main arterial which is a "priority street"