Andreas Fulda 🇺🇦 🇹🇼 Profile picture
Jun 22, 2021 17 tweets 9 min read Read on X
Former 🇩🇪 Foreign Minister Joschka Fischer has published a highly problematic op-ed in @china_table.

Based on a critique of a supposedly 🇺🇸 initiated Cold War 2.0 - more about this later - he makes the case for unconditional 🇨🇳 engagement.

A short 🧵/1 table.media/china/standpun…
Fischer's analogy to Cold War 1.0 is a red herring. The threat which the Chinese Communist Party poses to peace within and outside 🇨🇳 can not be directly compared to the former USSR. It is a different kettle of fish. What I find worrisome is how Fischer misrepresents the CCP /2
Fischer describes 🇨🇳 as "a market economy under Leninist auspices". This "hybrid character" supposedly explains China's "success story" and its ability to overtake the 🇺🇸 technologically and economically by 2030. The many costs of China's political system do not feature at all /3
Fischer seems unaware of the increasingly predatory nature of the Chinese party-state, with rampant rent seeking and systemic corruption in state & society; business; food industry; education; health care; journalism etc. Neither does me mention Xinjiang, Hong Kong and Taiwan /4
But Fischer does not concern himself with the way China is governed. He views 🇨🇳 exclusively through the prism of US-China great power rivalry. He ridicules any attempts to either change or contain CCP-led China and suggests unconditional cooperation as a simplistic solution /5
Fischer justifies unconditional China engagement with reference to climate change & pandemic mitigation. China's over-reliance on and investment in coal isn't mentioned, neither does he seem concerned about the initial cover-up of Covid-19 in Wuhan. He is completely uncritical /6
Fischer could have discussed the systemic competition between democracies & autocracies independently from US-China great power rivalry. This would have required him to critically assess the relationship between 🇩🇪 and 🇨🇳. But he does not comment on this crucial relationship /7
Fischer's silence on Sino-German relations is odd. While he mentions "economic dependencies" on China's market he fails to offer remedies. But doesn't Made in China 2025 directly challenge 🇩🇪's Industry 4.0? Doesn't Covid-19 show the weakness of global supply chains? @Der_BDI /8
And what are Fischer's views on the Chinese Communist Party's hybrid interference in 🇩🇪? What we are witnessing is what Mikael Wigell @MWigell calls a "'wedge strategy' (...) a policy of dividing a target country or coalition, thereby weakening its
counterbalancing potential" /9
We can already see that the CCP's globalised censorship regime leads to self-censorship. 🇩🇪 culture, academia, media & publishing (the CAMP sectors) are all vulnerable to hybrid interference by state and non-state actors under CCP control. Is Fischer unaware of these threats? /10
Former German Foreign Minister Joschka Fischer has a special responsibility to inform the public about threats to our democratic system. His op-ed in @China_table is not only ill-informed but also obfuscates the challenge at hand. This undermines our #democratic #deterrence /11
In my @china_table op-ed from 6 April 2021 I argued for a paradigm shift in German China policy (see Twitter 🧵 below). In the following I will add specific policy recommendation for Germany's economic and political relationship with CCP-led China /12
To reduce 🇩🇪 dependency on 🇨🇳's market we need partial decoupling and reshoring of key industries, e.g. pharmaceutical manufacturing. German companies in key sectors like education, health, energy, water, transport & communication should be protected from Chinese takeovers /13
And to dissuade the Chinese Communist Party's hybrid interference in Germany we should heed the advice by @MWigell and develop "counter-measures against the hybrid influencing toolbox of clandestine diplomacy, geo-economics and disinformation" /14 fiia.fi/en/publication…
As @MWigell rightly points out "liberal democratic values (...) can be turned into strengths and tools for a credible deterrence response against hybrid aggressors, all the while making our Western democracies more robust and resilient." /15
Wigell recommends a two-pronged democratic deterrence strategy which relies on "deterrence by denial: improving democratic resilience" and "deterrence by punishment: discovering democratic compellence". They both require a whole-of-society approach & the drawing of red lines /16
Let me conclude. Fischer's op-ed in @china_table is emblematic of the very superficial China discourse among members of Germany's political establishment, both past and present. His musings are also largely divorced from the real-world challenges we face with CCP-led China /End

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More from @AMFChina

Sep 15
We can count ourselves lucky that war in the Taiwan Strait hasn't erupted—yet. But Jennifer Kavanagh unfairly blames Taiwan for tensions. Do we see a mirroring of the 🇺🇦 debate, only this time it is 🇹🇼 where defenders are faulted for existing? A short 🧵/1 nytimes.com/2025/09/15/opi…
Kavanagh's op-ed wrongly frames Taiwan as troublemaker: "Taiwanese defiance toward China provokes aggressive bluster from Beijing." No explanation is given what the supposedly problematic 'defiance' consists of. Maybe asserting the sovereignty of the Republic of China on🇹🇼? /2 Image
Recommending Trump to 'put Taiwan on notice', Kavanagh assumes that 🇺🇸 can unilaterally 'restore equilibrium across the Taiwan Strait', thereby overestimating 🇺🇸 power and stripping 🇹🇼 of agency. Like blaming Taiwan for ‘defiance,’ it’s pure ethnocentrism. Why sideline 🇹🇼? /3
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Sep 7
Deutschland mangelt es an einer Grand strategy. Darunter verstehen wir die umfassende, langfristige Koordination militärischer, wirtschaftlicher, diplomatischer und kultureller Mittel eines Landes zur Sicherung nationaler Interessen und Bewältigung globaler Herausforderungen /1
Wir haben eine unterentwickelte strategische Kultur. Damit meine ich die gesellschaftlich tief verwurzelten Normen, Werte, und historische Erfahrungen eines Landes, ein über Jahrzehnte gewachsener Resonanzboden, der das aussen- und sicherheitspolitische Verhalten beeinflusst /2
Lange Zeit liess sich Deutschland als Zivilmacht beschreiben. Trotz NATO-Beitritt in den 1950er Jahren spielten militärische Mittel eine untergeordnete Rolle. Mit Mitteln der Diplomatie, Außenwirtschaftsförderung und europäische Integration nahm die BRD Einfluss /3
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Sep 3
Die Militärparade in Peking zeigt, wie Xi, Putin und Kim die Geschichte des 2. Weltkriegs in ihrem Sinne umschreiben #CRINK. Derweil werden Diktaturen immer noch von zu vielen Zeitgenossen normalisiert. Wer sie schonungslos analysiert, gilt schnell als 'Kalter Krieger' /1 Image
Es ist schon erstaunlich, dass westliche Chinaexperten selbst heute noch für eine 'Partnerschaft' mit 🇨🇳 eintreten. Klartext über politische Missstände in China wird dann als Hindernis für Dialog und Kooperation angesehen. Tatsächlich entsteht so ein massiver blinder Fleck /2
Wer aus taktischen Gründen die autokratischen Missstände in China herunterspielt, wird nicht gleichzeitig auch eine ergebnisoffene Risikoanalyse betreiben. Ein effektives Risikomanagement kann es so nicht geben. Aus dem Versuch der Annäherung an 🇨🇳 wird dann eine Verstrickung /3
Read 6 tweets
Aug 7
There is no other way to put it: this article is an example of a dysfunctional and moralised discourse about threat frames in public policy. It's high time for us to move towards an evidence-based approach towards geopolitical risk management. A short🧵/1 carnegieendowment.org/research/2025/…
Efforts by politicians to 'persuade through fear appeals' are criticised. Drawing on McCarthy ('Red Scare') and George W. Bush ('Global War on Terror') the costs of 'instrumentalizing threats' are highlighted. The article then pivots to the case of China, but fails to convince /2 Image
While I appreciate that the author is most likely motivated by a desire to advance constructive 🇨🇳 engagement, I find it irritating that the overall argument is littered with logical fallacies. While they could be unintentional, they weaken the persuasiveness of the article /3
Read 11 tweets
Aug 3
"Hexenjagd auf Akademiker"? Bei solcher Rhetorik werde ich hellhörig. Sowohl der Diskurs zu 🇷🇺 als auch 🇨🇳 gilt als stark polarisiert. Ich habe mir also mal das Gespräch zwischen Mangott und Lottaz angehört. Ein🧵basierend auf Lakoffs Theorie zu framing /1 Image
Die Sprachforschung kann uns dabei helfen, die Rhetorik im Gespräch einzuordnen: Metaphern prägen laut George Lakoff unsere jeweilige Weltsicht. Bei Konservativen gelte beispielsweise das 'strict father' frame, bei Progressiven hingegen das frame des 'nurturant parent' /2 Image
In der Außenpolitik können die beiden Metaphern allerdings auch kombiniert werden. Eine pro 🇺🇦 Position kann das 'strict father' frame (Putin als Aggressor) mit 'nurturant parent' frame (Ukraines Souveränität muss gewahrt werden) verbinden. Wie machen das Mangott und Lottaz? /3
Read 10 tweets
Jul 22
Are you a 🕊️ dove or 🦅 hawk on dealing with the Chinese Communist Party? The polarisation between engagement / peaceful co-existence vs. containment / confrontation dominates western 🇨🇳 debates. But can we reframe the metaphors for a smarter middle ground? A short 🧵/1 Image
In my book 'Germany and China' I have argued that a middle ground between competing policy images exists, understood as a 'mixture of empirical information and emotive appeals' (Pal, 2014). This middle ground is marginalised as both camps use frames which seem non-compatible /2 Image
Image
First example: When 🕊️ doves push dialogue and cooperation with 🇨🇳 on climate change, 🦅 hawks scoff: Aren't they trapped by the CCP's restricted, politically managed communication channels, risking cooptation? How could we reframe this for more critical China engagement? /3
Read 10 tweets

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