Fischer's analogy to Cold War 1.0 is a red herring. The threat which the Chinese Communist Party poses to peace within and outside 🇨🇳 can not be directly compared to the former USSR. It is a different kettle of fish. What I find worrisome is how Fischer misrepresents the CCP /2
Fischer describes 🇨🇳 as "a market economy under Leninist auspices". This "hybrid character" supposedly explains China's "success story" and its ability to overtake the 🇺🇸 technologically and economically by 2030. The many costs of China's political system do not feature at all /3
Fischer seems unaware of the increasingly predatory nature of the Chinese party-state, with rampant rent seeking and systemic corruption in state & society; business; food industry; education; health care; journalism etc. Neither does me mention Xinjiang, Hong Kong and Taiwan /4
But Fischer does not concern himself with the way China is governed. He views 🇨🇳 exclusively through the prism of US-China great power rivalry. He ridicules any attempts to either change or contain CCP-led China and suggests unconditional cooperation as a simplistic solution /5
Fischer justifies unconditional China engagement with reference to climate change & pandemic mitigation. China's over-reliance on and investment in coal isn't mentioned, neither does he seem concerned about the initial cover-up of Covid-19 in Wuhan. He is completely uncritical /6
Fischer could have discussed the systemic competition between democracies & autocracies independently from US-China great power rivalry. This would have required him to critically assess the relationship between 🇩🇪 and 🇨🇳. But he does not comment on this crucial relationship /7
Fischer's silence on Sino-German relations is odd. While he mentions "economic dependencies" on China's market he fails to offer remedies. But doesn't Made in China 2025 directly challenge 🇩🇪's Industry 4.0? Doesn't Covid-19 show the weakness of global supply chains? @Der_BDI /8
And what are Fischer's views on the Chinese Communist Party's hybrid interference in 🇩🇪? What we are witnessing is what Mikael Wigell @MWigell calls a "'wedge strategy' (...) a policy of dividing a target country or coalition, thereby weakening its
counterbalancing potential" /9
We can already see that the CCP's globalised censorship regime leads to self-censorship. 🇩🇪 culture, academia, media & publishing (the CAMP sectors) are all vulnerable to hybrid interference by state and non-state actors under CCP control. Is Fischer unaware of these threats? /10
Former German Foreign Minister Joschka Fischer has a special responsibility to inform the public about threats to our democratic system. His op-ed in @China_table is not only ill-informed but also obfuscates the challenge at hand. This undermines our #democratic#deterrence /11
In my @china_table op-ed from 6 April 2021 I argued for a paradigm shift in German China policy (see Twitter 🧵 below). In the following I will add specific policy recommendation for Germany's economic and political relationship with CCP-led China /12
To reduce 🇩🇪 dependency on 🇨🇳's market we need partial decoupling and reshoring of key industries, e.g. pharmaceutical manufacturing. German companies in key sectors like education, health, energy, water, transport & communication should be protected from Chinese takeovers /13
And to dissuade the Chinese Communist Party's hybrid interference in Germany we should heed the advice by @MWigell and develop "counter-measures against the hybrid influencing toolbox of clandestine diplomacy, geo-economics and disinformation" /14 fiia.fi/en/publication…
As @MWigell rightly points out "liberal democratic values (...) can be turned into strengths and tools for a credible deterrence response against hybrid aggressors, all the while making our Western democracies more robust and resilient." /15
Wigell recommends a two-pronged democratic deterrence strategy which relies on "deterrence by denial: improving democratic resilience" and "deterrence by punishment: discovering democratic compellence". They both require a whole-of-society approach & the drawing of red lines /16
Let me conclude. Fischer's op-ed in @china_table is emblematic of the very superficial China discourse among members of Germany's political establishment, both past and present. His musings are also largely divorced from the real-world challenges we face with CCP-led China /End
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Merkel stellt sich in ihren politischen Memoiren einen Persilschein aus. Steinmeier ist trotz der krachend gescheiterten Russland-Politik immer noch Bundespräsident. Machen wir uns ehrlich: Unsere unterentwickelte Fehlerkultur gefährdet Europas Sicherheit. Ein etwas längerer 🧵/1
Um Missverständnisse gar nicht erst aufkommen zu lassen: es geht mir im Folgenden nicht darum, dass deutsche Spitzenpolitiker für Fehlentscheidungen Abbitte leisten müssen. Merkel und Steinmeier brauchen auch nicht den Gang nach Canossa anzutreten. Es geht um etwas wichtigeres /2
Helene Bubrowski hat in ihrem jüngsten Buch darauf hingewiesen, dass “Fehlentscheidungen und andere Verfehlungen” in unserem politischen System nicht vorgesehen sind, und das “obwohl sie Teil davon sind”. Daher das ständige “vertuschen, abstreiten, aussitzen” /3
Are we seeing the dawn of Communist Chinese Imperialism? Christopher Ford sees echoes of European imperialism in the Chinese Communist Party's Global South strategy. Join me to find out more /1 newparadigmsforum.com/call-it-by-its…
First, a few words about the author. Christopher Ford served as U.S. Assistant Secretary of State for International Security and Nonproliferation (2018-21). He has also written three books on China. He can be seen as a pracademic, a practicing academic /2 newparadigmsforum.com/about
I learned about Christopher Ford's excellent scholarship when doing research for my new book 'Germany and China'. I was keen to learn more about China's strategic culture. I found his theoretical and practical insights utterly convincing and compelling /3 nbr.org/publication/be…
Scholz will einen "großen Krieg" mit Russland verhindern. Und auf unfaire Handelspraktiken Chinas dürfe die EU nicht so reagieren "dass wir uns selbst schädigen". Jeweils kommt die gleiche defätistische Denk- und Redefigur zu Einsatz: bloß keine Eskalation. Ein kurzer 🧵 /1
Der Raketenangriff nach dem Telefonat mit Putin zeigt: Russland eskaliert, während Scholz und Plötner immer noch glauben, man könne durch gutes Zureden ein radikal-revisionistisches Regime dazu bringen, den völkerrechtswidrigen Angriffskrieg zu beenden /2 theguardian.com/world/2024/nov…
Bei unfairen Handelspraktiken Chinas sieht es nicht besser aus. Anstatt die Automobil-Lobbyisten in Berlin zu ignorieren kuscht @Bundeskanzler Scholz was Schutzzölle auf E-Autos angeht vor Peking. Auch hier lautet das Motto: bloß keine Eskalation /3 wiwo.de/politik/europa…
Frank-Walter Steinmeier sollte sich an Willy Brandt ein Vorbild nehmen. Brandt hatte 1990 im Gespräch mit Studenten in Paris die Größe, einen zentralen Irrtum in seiner Ostpolitik einzugestehen. Ein kurzer 🧵 /1
Für sein Buch "Polen und Deutsche" (Suhrkamp, 2011) sprach Hofmann mit dem ehemaligen polnischen Außenminister Geremek. Dabei ging es unter anderem auch um das angespannte Verhältnis zwischen deutschen Sozialdemokraten und der polnischen Oppositionsbewegung Solidarność /2
Geremek erzählt Hofmann eine wichtige Anekdote. Hofmann schreibt in seinem Buch: "Im Jahr 1990 traf er mit Willy Brandt und Alexander Dubček in Paris zusammen ... »Ein schönes Treffen, für uns drei sehr interessant«, erinnert sich Geremek mit einem Lächeln auf den Lippen." /2
Do you think that China can be a reliable partner in the fight against climate change? Then think again /1
It is true that the Chinese leadership has formulated ambitious climate targets. In 2020, Xi Jinping declared the goal of making the People's Republic climate-neutral by 2060 /2bbc.co.uk/news/science-e…
But the reality is different: Coal remains the undisputed central source of energy, and China is consistently undermining the goal of climate neutrality by rapidly expanding coal-fired power plants, at home and abroad /3 bloomberg.com/news/articles/…
Steinmeiers Wutausbruch nach Martins Kritik zeigt, warum wir bei der Entwicklung einer neuen deutschen strategischen Kultur nicht vorankommen. Wenn sich die besten Ideen durchsetzen sollen, brauchen wir robuste öffentliche Debatten. Doch Widerspruch ist leider nicht erwünscht /1
Steinmeier war unter Merkel zwei Mal Aussenminister, 2005-2009 und 2013-2017. Sein Konzept "Annäherung durch Verflechtung" war ein wenig durchdachtes Imitat von Bahrs Ostpolitik "Wandel durch Annäherung". Steinmeiers außenpolitische Doktrin wurde sukzessive zu einem Dogma /2
Wie ich in meinem Buch "Germany and China" (Bloomsbury, 2024) dargelegt habe, zielte die Steinmeier-Doktrin nicht auf Liberalisierung autokratischer Länder ab, sondern ermöglichte billige Gasimporte aus Russland, stärkte den Handel mit China und normalisierte damit Diktaturen /3