Fischer's analogy to Cold War 1.0 is a red herring. The threat which the Chinese Communist Party poses to peace within and outside 🇨🇳 can not be directly compared to the former USSR. It is a different kettle of fish. What I find worrisome is how Fischer misrepresents the CCP /2
Fischer describes 🇨🇳 as "a market economy under Leninist auspices". This "hybrid character" supposedly explains China's "success story" and its ability to overtake the 🇺🇸 technologically and economically by 2030. The many costs of China's political system do not feature at all /3
Fischer seems unaware of the increasingly predatory nature of the Chinese party-state, with rampant rent seeking and systemic corruption in state & society; business; food industry; education; health care; journalism etc. Neither does me mention Xinjiang, Hong Kong and Taiwan /4
But Fischer does not concern himself with the way China is governed. He views 🇨🇳 exclusively through the prism of US-China great power rivalry. He ridicules any attempts to either change or contain CCP-led China and suggests unconditional cooperation as a simplistic solution /5
Fischer justifies unconditional China engagement with reference to climate change & pandemic mitigation. China's over-reliance on and investment in coal isn't mentioned, neither does he seem concerned about the initial cover-up of Covid-19 in Wuhan. He is completely uncritical /6
Fischer could have discussed the systemic competition between democracies & autocracies independently from US-China great power rivalry. This would have required him to critically assess the relationship between 🇩🇪 and 🇨🇳. But he does not comment on this crucial relationship /7
Fischer's silence on Sino-German relations is odd. While he mentions "economic dependencies" on China's market he fails to offer remedies. But doesn't Made in China 2025 directly challenge 🇩🇪's Industry 4.0? Doesn't Covid-19 show the weakness of global supply chains? @Der_BDI /8
And what are Fischer's views on the Chinese Communist Party's hybrid interference in 🇩🇪? What we are witnessing is what Mikael Wigell @MWigell calls a "'wedge strategy' (...) a policy of dividing a target country or coalition, thereby weakening its
counterbalancing potential" /9
We can already see that the CCP's globalised censorship regime leads to self-censorship. 🇩🇪 culture, academia, media & publishing (the CAMP sectors) are all vulnerable to hybrid interference by state and non-state actors under CCP control. Is Fischer unaware of these threats? /10
Former German Foreign Minister Joschka Fischer has a special responsibility to inform the public about threats to our democratic system. His op-ed in @China_table is not only ill-informed but also obfuscates the challenge at hand. This undermines our #democratic#deterrence /11
In my @china_table op-ed from 6 April 2021 I argued for a paradigm shift in German China policy (see Twitter 🧵 below). In the following I will add specific policy recommendation for Germany's economic and political relationship with CCP-led China /12
To reduce 🇩🇪 dependency on 🇨🇳's market we need partial decoupling and reshoring of key industries, e.g. pharmaceutical manufacturing. German companies in key sectors like education, health, energy, water, transport & communication should be protected from Chinese takeovers /13
And to dissuade the Chinese Communist Party's hybrid interference in Germany we should heed the advice by @MWigell and develop "counter-measures against the hybrid influencing toolbox of clandestine diplomacy, geo-economics and disinformation" /14 fiia.fi/en/publication…
As @MWigell rightly points out "liberal democratic values (...) can be turned into strengths and tools for a credible deterrence response against hybrid aggressors, all the while making our Western democracies more robust and resilient." /15
Wigell recommends a two-pronged democratic deterrence strategy which relies on "deterrence by denial: improving democratic resilience" and "deterrence by punishment: discovering democratic compellence". They both require a whole-of-society approach & the drawing of red lines /16
Let me conclude. Fischer's op-ed in @china_table is emblematic of the very superficial China discourse among members of Germany's political establishment, both past and present. His musings are also largely divorced from the real-world challenges we face with CCP-led China /End
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Five facts you need to know about 'Ilha Formosa' (美麗之島), the stunningly beautiful island-state also known as Taiwan. In this 🧵 I explain why it is in all of our interests that democratic 🇹🇼 is safeguarded against military annexation by 🇨🇳 - now and in the future /1
In the following I will assess Taiwan's turbulent history; offer reflections about sovereignty, trade, identity formation; and address the island-state's geo-economic and geo-strategic importance for the free and democratic world. But first let us rewind a bit /2
People in Taiwan have struggled against outside rule for centuries. The Dutch (1624–1662) had a colony in the south, whilst the Spanish ruled in the north (1626–1642). Uprisings by indigenous people (原住民; Lamey Island massacre) or Han settlers were violently suppressed /3
Annalena Baerbock oder Robert Habeck? Wer hat es geschafft, Olaf Scholz in der Chinapolitik zu einem realistischeren Kurs zu bewegen? Ein 🧵 mit meiner Bewertung nach drei Jahren Ampel-Koalition /1
In ihrem Buch 'Ende der China-Illusion' (Piper, 2023) hat Oertel darauf hingewiesen, dass es in der außenpolitischen Forschung eher unüblich sei, "Haltungsnoten für Entscheidungsträger:innen" zu verteilen. Ich halte das jedoch für notwendig, um politische Führung zu bewerten /2
In den letzten drei Jahren haben sich zwei Grünen-Politiker in der deutschen Chinapolitik besonders verdient gemacht: Habeck und Baerbock. Welche Akzente haben sie jeweils gesetzt? Wem ist es gelungen, die Konturen einer neuen deutschen strategischen Kultur stärker zu prägen? /3
Röttgen fragt zu Recht, wie eine Bundesregierung so eklatant beim Schutz unserer Demokratie versagen kann. Bei illegaler Einmischung in 🇩🇪 spielen das Ministerium für Staatssicherheit, Chinas Einheitsfront-Bürokratie sowie organisierte Kriminalität eine Rolle. Ein kurzer 🧵 /1
Warum ist die Kommunistische Partei Chinas (KPCh) bereit, deutsche Souveränität zu verletzen? Hier müssen wir uns klar sein, dass Staatssicherheit für die KPCh Regimestabilität bedeutet. Die Parteiführung sieht Gefahren sowohl im In- als auch im Ausland /2 prcleader.org/post/piercing-…
Das Ministerium für Staatssicherheit gehört zu einem Geflecht an Behörden unter Kontrolle der Kommunistischen Partei Chinas, die laut britischen Geheimdiensterkenntnissen damit beauftragt sind, im Ausland die sogenannten "fünf Gifte" zu bekämpfen /3 businessinsider.com/chinas-spy-age…
Merkel stellt sich in ihren politischen Memoiren einen Persilschein aus. Steinmeier ist trotz der krachend gescheiterten Russland-Politik immer noch Bundespräsident. Machen wir uns ehrlich: Unsere unterentwickelte Fehlerkultur gefährdet Europas Sicherheit. Ein etwas längerer 🧵/1
Um Missverständnisse gar nicht erst aufkommen zu lassen: es geht mir im Folgenden nicht darum, dass deutsche Spitzenpolitiker für Fehlentscheidungen Abbitte leisten müssen. Merkel und Steinmeier brauchen auch nicht den Gang nach Canossa anzutreten. Es geht um etwas wichtigeres /2
Helene Bubrowski hat in ihrem jüngsten Buch darauf hingewiesen, dass “Fehlentscheidungen und andere Verfehlungen” in unserem politischen System nicht vorgesehen sind, und das “obwohl sie Teil davon sind”. Daher das ständige “vertuschen, abstreiten, aussitzen” /3
Are we seeing the dawn of Communist Chinese Imperialism? Christopher Ford sees echoes of European imperialism in the Chinese Communist Party's Global South strategy. Join me to find out more /1 newparadigmsforum.com/call-it-by-its…
First, a few words about the author. Christopher Ford served as U.S. Assistant Secretary of State for International Security and Nonproliferation (2018-21). He has also written three books on China. He can be seen as a pracademic, a practicing academic /2 newparadigmsforum.com/about
I learned about Christopher Ford's excellent scholarship when doing research for my new book 'Germany and China'. I was keen to learn more about China's strategic culture. I found his theoretical and practical insights utterly convincing and compelling /3 nbr.org/publication/be…
Scholz will einen "großen Krieg" mit Russland verhindern. Und auf unfaire Handelspraktiken Chinas dürfe die EU nicht so reagieren "dass wir uns selbst schädigen". Jeweils kommt die gleiche defätistische Denk- und Redefigur zu Einsatz: bloß keine Eskalation. Ein kurzer 🧵 /1
Der Raketenangriff nach dem Telefonat mit Putin zeigt: Russland eskaliert, während Scholz und Plötner immer noch glauben, man könne durch gutes Zureden ein radikal-revisionistisches Regime dazu bringen, den völkerrechtswidrigen Angriffskrieg zu beenden /2 theguardian.com/world/2024/nov…
Bei unfairen Handelspraktiken Chinas sieht es nicht besser aus. Anstatt die Automobil-Lobbyisten in Berlin zu ignorieren kuscht @Bundeskanzler Scholz was Schutzzölle auf E-Autos angeht vor Peking. Auch hier lautet das Motto: bloß keine Eskalation /3 wiwo.de/politik/europa…