My latest novel is Attack Surface, a sequel to my bestselling Little Brother books. @washingtonpost called it "a political cyberthriller, vigorous, bold and savvy about the limits of revolution and resistance."
My book "How to Destroy Surveillance Capitalism" is a critique of Big Tech connecting conspiratorial thinking to the rise of tech monopolies (proposing a way to deal with both) is now out in paperback:
My ebooks and audiobooks (from @torbooks, @HoZ_Books, @mcsweeneys, and others) are for sale all over the net, but I sell 'em too, and when you buy 'em from me, I earn twice as much and you get books with no DRM and no license "agreements."
My first picture book is out! It's called Poesy the Monster Slayer and it's an epic tale of bedtime-refusal, toy-hacking and monster-hunting, illustrated by Matt Rockefeller. It's the monster book I dreamt of reading to my own daughter.
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The Child Tax Credit is a seriously good piece of policy, in which America's poorest families are eligible for $2-3k/year in subsidies, a move projected to cut American child poverty in half.
There's one problem: the IRS has no idea how to reach America's poorest families.
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Many of the people eligible for CTC don't file tax returns and even if they did, they'd have no contact with the IRS, because the tax-prep monopoly killed all attempts to create a "free file" system where the IRS sends you a prefilled return with the info they already have.
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When I say "sabotaged," I'm not speaking hyperbolically. The tax-prep industry, led by Intuit, led the fight for 20 years, with their cultlike leader Brad Smith at the forefront of a bribery and intimidation campaign.
When people call the US Supreme Court "corporate-friendly," it's often hard to know what that means in concrete terms. But here's an example of what it means when the highest court in the land is in the tank for big business.
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Transunion is a giant credit reporting bureau. These companies have their origin in a company called "Retail Credit" (now Equifax). RC paid people to spy on their neighbors and kept secret files on who was a "race mixer," a homosexual, or a political radical.
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These files were sold to employers, financial institutions and landlords to help them discriminate against people for their political, sexual or racial views.
Say what you will about Congressional partisan divisions, there's one area of unity: the need for self-care.
That's why the House voted to give itself only *9 days* of work between Jul 2 and Sept 19 (the Senate's workaholics will put in 11 days' work out of 75 summer days).
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I get it. It's been a tough 18 months. Who ISN'T tired?
But Congress ALREADY works a three-day week (the remaining two days are spent "dialing for dollars," begging rich people for money in exchange for making policy that benefits the wealthy).
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But Congress has work to do - work like passing the PRO Act, which will help everyday workers win some of the labor rights that Congress takes for granted, like paid vacations, health benefits, and a decent pension.
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This week on my podcast, I read "Qualia," my May, 2021 @locusmag column about quantitative bias, epidemiology, antitrust and drug policy. It's a timely piece, given the six historic antitrust laws that passed the House Judiciary Committee last week:
The pandemic delivered some hard lessons about quantitative bias - that's when you pay attention to the parts of a problem that you can do math on, not because they're the most important, but because you know how to do math.
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The most obvious lesson comes from the failure of exposure notification apps, which were supposed to take the place of "shoe-leather" contact tracing, wherein a public health workers establish personal rapport with infected people to help identify others who might be at risk.
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