The court analyzes preemption under 230(c)(2)(A), but doesn't touch (c)(1). Normally this would bother me, because that's not how #Section230 works. But if you read it, Hinkle doesn't really decide between the 230 interpretations; this reads more like an "even if FL is right"
Hinkle was obviously not swayed by Florida's attempt to brush off platforms' curation as meaningless and expressionless. He seems to understand that those functions are vital for their products to be usable.
Remember that time when I said Hinkle wasn't impressed with the whole "social media platforms violate the First Amendment" argument?
He remains...unimpressed.
And how many times have I written basically this exact paragraph?
I'd disagree with Hinkle that 99% of content posted on social media is "invisible" to platforms for First Amendment purposes, but in any event, he gets this right: we're talking exactly about the cases at the margins, and Florida's intent is to control editorial discretion here
Surprisingly brief analysis of FAIR & PruneYard; I'd go further noting the contextual differences that make those cases not analogous, but note that Hinkle concludes that SB 7072 comepls platforms to change their speech by altering how they arrange and present speech. Very broad!
If the court is (rightly) convinced that how a platform chooses to display or organize content is First Amendment activity, that makes most any state regulation of content information a no-go. And that's how it should be.
Political showboating may get you the headlines, but it doesn't often get you a statute that holds up in court, @GovRonDeSantis.
Really glad to see speaker discrimination actually getting its due here.
Hinkle also very not impressed by Florida's treatment of the theme park exception. It was clear that Florida's strategy all along was to put it in there and tell the court it should just strike that part down instead of the statute. Hinkle isn't buying the ticket they're selling.
This here says it all. This is just a preliminary injunction decision, but it is exceedingly difficult for the government to come back from this and it rarely happens, expecially in the First Amendment world. It is a near-certain death knell to the constitutionality of a statute.
But if you need more convincing, Hinkle would toss it under intermediate scrutiny too. If Florida wants to save this law, it's going to have to pray for a VERY sympathetic 11th Circuit panel because it's looking grim.
Vagueness was never the primary argument, so this is not at all bothersome, and given the fact that Hinkle had two days to rule and found so strongly against 7072 on other grounds, there was literally no need to open this can of worms.
Note that Judge Hinkle didn't even bother to address common carriage. From my read, and his reference at argument to common carriage as an "analogy" for regulatability, he doesn't think it matters. No matter what you call it, he thinks it violates the First Amendment. He's right.
(that should read "content moderation" not "content information")
Here's the thing, though: whether it's cases on the margin is also irrelevant. Because what is on the margin is a wholly subjective function *of* editorial discretion. You simply could not write a law that would survive because we're talking about judgment calls.
There are things I would have worded differently or treated more thoroughly, but remember:
(a) This was all only ever a setup tor the 11th Circuit, and
(b) Hinkle had only two days to rule. You could wait 8 months for a motion ruling 1/3 the length.
I'm not pressed. It's a win
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If only someone had counseled people to take a deep breath and not panic over speculative fears that have not been borne out in a single election cycle.
Senate Judiciary is having a hearing today on "Big Tech and the Online Child Sexual Exploitation Crisis," in which senators will yell at a bunch of social media platform CEOs and likely say some very wrong things. Follow along in this thread, if you dare.
2/ Durbin kicks off by showing a video from victims of online CSE and their parents. Undeniably horrible stories, and if the hearing really focuses exclusively on platform efforts to combat CSE/CSAM, I'll be on board--platforms SHOULD be doing more.
But that's unlikely.
3/ And not for nothing, Durbin's STOP CSAM Act swings the pendulum too far, threatening end-to-end encryption and incentivizing takedowns of lawful content and campaigns of false reporting. EFF has a good explainer: eff.org/deeplinks/2023…
1/ I must respectfully take issue with this piece, for a few reasons.
First, as a normative matter, to mee it comes too close to equating the harms of CSAM with the effects of minors looking at porn. Whatever you think about the latter, the former is *inestimably* worse.
2/ Second, the "secondary effects doctrine" is a heaping MESS that gives government an end-run around the First Amendment, even for non-porn speech. Expanding it to the online world rather than physical locations would be terrible.
SED should be retired, not broadened.
3/ Third, there is no distinction between the age verification mandates being proposed now, and the ones struck down in the Great COPA Wars, practically or constitutionally.
The curtailment was in fact being forced to verify your identity before accessing disfavored content.
1/ So @MiamiSeaquarium, which tortures Orcas by keeping them in confined spaces, have filed suit because Phil published drone pictures and criticized them.
It's evident that they didn't like being criticized, and are trying to shut him up.
In case you're unfamiliar with the litigation, let me refresh your memory & explain why it's important.
2/ In April 2021, a video started circulating on social media showing a man accosting a teen taking pre-prom pictures with his boyfriend at a hotel restaurant, because the teen was wearing a dress.
Super normal stuff.
When Kathy saw the video, she tweeted about it a few times.
3/ In her first tweet, she identified the man as Sam Johnson, and noted that he worked at VisuWell, a telehealth software company from what I gather.
A couple tweets later, VisuWell announced Johnson's firing. Griffin asked if he was going to remain on the board. They said no.