The duty is to be found in s.1 of the International Development (Official Development Assistance Target) Act 2015.
That duty applies all the time. But if it isn’t complied with the Secretary of State must explain what has gone wrong (see (3) and what is being done to correct it (4)).
So it is hard to see how a policy of deliberately spending less than 0.7% on development aid and imposing further conditions before the target is met can be lawful.
Could this get to court? The problem is s.3.
This section attempts to exclude legal accountability (accountability to a court): even if the s.1 target isn’t met, nothing that Ministers have done is unlawful.
We shall have to see if that section works.
• • •
Missing some Tweet in this thread? You can try to
force a refresh
One possible answer to the West Lothian Question now abandoned. (The WLQ is why 🏴 and 🏴 MPs should vote on 🏴 - only laws (eg Covid restrictions when 🏴 MPs can’t vote on equivalents in 🏴 and 🏴.)
So far, 3 days later, no response from @ukhomeoffice. Assertions that the proposed offence doesn’t cover the RNLI rescuing asylum seekers at sea and landing them safely on shore aren’t any use without an explanation of why that is so.
Also, note the wording. What about individuals or shipping companies rescuing people in distress at sea? What, exactly, are the boundaries of the conduct to which this offence is said not to apply? What, for example, is meant by “distress” (would overcrowding be enough?)
Before you can answer those questions - important questions given the seriousness of the offence and the need to prevent loss of life at sea - you need to know where the alleged exception comes from and its legal basis.
Comments on a couple of Supreme Court cases out today. Those who fear/hope that the Supreme Court is dominated by activist judges looking for any excuse to impose a woke agenda under cover of the Human Rights Act will be relieved/disappointed.
First AB. Facts here.
The issue was whether that treatment violated Article 3 of the ECHR (inhuman and degrading treatment). Answer: no. Reason: the Strasbourg Court has not said that solitary confinement of a child is automatically contrary to Art 3. Following earlier cases, explained here.
Two immediate things leap from this list, from this side of the Atlantic. 1. The extent to which the US is regulated (see licensing requirements for many kinds of work).
2. The extent to which US regulation has not dealt with issues harmful to consumers that have, at least to some extent, been tackled by EU and U.K. regulation.
Very high level thought (treat it as an essay question): the combination of high regulation and regulatory failure to help consumers is a symptom of a seriously dysfunctional political system.
The instinct is to attack this as a way of dispensing patronage and avoiding scrutiny. And that instinct, with this government, is natural and prudent.
But there is a problem with the relatively small talent pool available from the Commons majority. One way round has been to appoint to the Lords - but that inflates an already engorged chamber and means appointing a legislator for life.
(And any remotely radical government will want to replace the HoL anyway).
One aspect of this clause is that the RNLI would appear to be guilty of an offence if they rescue a boatload of people obviously seeking illegal entry and bring them safely to shore.