A problem with these “[thing] of the oppressor/[thing] of the oppressed” distinctions is that people invoking them often (not always, but often) stretch the category of “the oppressed” so it can include the ruling classes of basically any state claiming to oppose US imperialism.
In a relationship of direct colonial subjugation (e.g., Israel/Palestine, Turkey/Kurdistan, etc.), there is a national oppression that affects capitalists within the colonised national group as well as workers (although it doesn’t affect them equally/evenly!).
In a direct struggle for national liberation there *is* an important distinction between (say) the use of violence/other forms of coercion (although I wouldn’t call that “authoritarianism”, personally) on the part of an oppressed people and use by the state oppressing them.
But even there, there are nuances. Attacking the military infrastructure of an occupation is, I’d argue, politically distinct from indiscriminately attacking civilians in the “oppressor” nation. I’d support one (or at least defend the right to do it), and oppose the other.
But that’s in a scenario where there is a clearly defined oppressed national group, where national oppression affects all classes, albeit unequally/unevenly.
Being economically bullied and kicked around by bigger powers is not the same as being colonised or nationally oppressed. Cuba, Venezuela, and Iran (for example) are not ruled from Washington. Their ruling classes are not “oppressed”. They’re oppressors.
Some leftists refuse to accept that colonial conquest and direct rule haven’t been the primary modes of big-power imperialism for 60+ years. Hegemonic imperialism now functions far more via what Ellen Meiksins Wood and others call “the imperialism of free trade”.
Regional imperialist powers have also emerged. If your model of the global division of power designates the Iranian state - imperialist by any operable definition of the concept - as “oppressed” because its imperialism is subordinate to US imperialism… your model ain’t much use.
The global capitalist economy is uneven and some states are more powerful than others. But that unevenness and imbalance of power doesn’t amount to form of oppression that could give bourgeois nationalism some progressive potential, or render national ruling classes “oppressed”.
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“Dog whistle racism”? I’m not sure. That might be the case if it said “Johnson is Modi’s man”, or suggested Johnson was being puppeteered by a powerful “Indian lobby” in the UK, but as far as it goes, the actual content of the leaflet doesn’t seem objectionable to me.
What *can* be said is that it’s a late-in-the-day, opportunistic grab for votes. I want Labour to campaign about the issues on this leaflet all the time, not only when electorally expedient, and not only amongst voters assumed to already know/care about them.
There is a real conversation to be had about how the left navigates “communal” politics. There’s waaaay too much conceded to communalism (i.e., seeing “communities” as blocs with unitary interests that should be engaged with via “community leaders”) and not enough class politics.
This thread seems right. Some of the flack OJ is getting for “platforming” GG is unreasonable IMO, there’s a journalistic case for interviewing him. But if you see your journalism as fundamentally connected to your politics, as OJ does, the considerations in this thread matter.
I’m not accusing Owen of this, but there’s still too much “well, Galloway has gone off the rails a bit, but he’s still basically good on anti-imperialism/Palestine/Iraq, etc.”-type sentiment around on the left.
He’s not “good” on those things - he never was. His “anti-imperialism” is inseparable from his vicarious nationalism/sycophancy towards authoritarian regimes. His politics on “Palestine” are what impelled him to tweet about “no Israel flags on the cup” when Spurs (?!) didn’t win.
I’ve always stressed that antisemitism on the left has to be distinguished from the racialised antisemitism of the far right. Whilst the former is ideologically toxifying, the latter poses a far greater physical threat to Jewish safety. (1/9)
That’s still true, but if Williamson’s “Zionist teachers are violating children’s rights” rhetoric turns into any sort of serious campaign, I think that could also have implications for Jewish safety. (2/9)
The only way such a campaign could be enacted would be by demanding Jewish, or presumed-to-be-Jewish, teachers declare their views on Israel/Palestine, and if they refuse to respond, or fail to meet the “anti-Zionist” standard set by Williamson and co, hounding them. (3/9)
Seen this go viral. I’m sure the person with placard had good intentions, and obviously I don’t know what their grandfather’s beliefs are/were, but I think formulations like this are problematic and sail close to the sentiment I referred to here:
It’s likely some of the people dropping bombs on Gaza *are* descendants of Holocaust survivors. And? Should Allied armies have made survivors sign a waiver on the way out of camps? “You can leave as long as you promise your descendants will never do anything oppressive”? (2/8)
There’s an implication that having been a victim of attempted genocide should imbue you with a kind of heightened morality. Why? In fact, the conclusion many Jews drew from the Holocaust was that they would never be safe until they had their own, armed, state. (3/8)
I want Labour to run on maximally left-wing policies, every time — because I think those policies are *right* and must be fought for, whether or not they’re electorally expedient. But “we lost because the policies weren’t left-wing enough” takes obscure more than they clarify.
“I would’ve voted Labour if they were fighting for renationalised utilities, a £15/hour minimum wage, more rights for migrants and asylum seekers, and the abolition of all anti-union laws, but they’re not... so I’m voting Tory.” That’s not really what’s going on here, is it?
It’s actually patronising to people to assume that they’re just voting Tory out of some unthinking reflex or displacement activity, rather than because they’re genuinely convinced by the nationalist political narrative the Tories are offering.
Seems weird Starmer won’t sign personally if he’s instructing other to do so. But, whilst not signing a letter against fire and rehire is bad, scabbing on strikes against it (which is what Unite, at the direction of a leadership including Beckett, did in British Gas) is worse.
I don’t believe in the concept of “sin”, but if I did, crossing a picket line would be cardinal. And it’s even worse if done in exchange for a sweetheart deal for more facility time, apparently by overruling rank-and-file activists who wanted to support another union’s strike.
This is anecdotal, impressionistic, and perhaps superficial, but I can’t help but feel it says a lot about the health of the labour movement left that Beckett’s militant posturing seems to get boosted and amplified more than GMB activists’ attempts to hold Unite to account.