As I shared in a previous #KeepRealismReal thread, Mearsheimer published a piece in 1990 in @Journal_IS titled "Back to the Future" predicting a dismal future in Europe
- Hoffmann: learn more about the European Community
- Russett: learn more about the evidence favoring the democratic peace
- Risse-Kappen: learn more about the Helsinki Process
- Keohane: think more about what international institutions do.
Let's elaborate a bit on Keohane's criticism, as it really goes to the heart of Mearsheimer's piece.
Keohane actually accepts a key part of Mearsheimer's argument for why the Cold War was largely peaceful in Europe: bipolarity (i.e. the continent was dominated by TWO major powers, US v USSR)
Specifically, Keohane wrote:
However, Keohane, unlike Mearsheimer, thinks international institutions -- such as the European Community & @NATO -- played a critical role even in this environment
Keohane argues that international institutions helped make behavior predictable, because following the rules of institutions signaled a willingness to continue a pattern of cooperation.
Keohane's main point is stated in the next paragraph -- continued peace in Europe is conditional on retaining and transforming such institutions, such as @NATO.
That's an interesting comment by Keohane, because Mearsheimer raised a similar point in footnote 1 of his article
In other words, they both agree that keeping NATO around matters. So...where is the debate?
Where they differ is on the specific role of @NATO:
-- Keohane: institutions like NATO or the European Community matter for creating a stable post-Cold War European Order.
-- JJM: @NATO only matters if it is a vehicle for the US to continue to militarily dominate the continent
This is the crux of their "Great Debate": do international institutions matter IN AND OF THEMSELVES or only as a reflection of the distribution of power? 🤔
Mearsheimer wrote a response to Keohane.
In the response, He accurately identifies Keohane's main point: institutions matter more than Mearsheimer recognizes
The problem with Mearsheimer's response is that, for whatever reason, he decided to focus on Keohane's After Hegemony. amazon.com/After-Hegemony…
Look, there are valid criticisims of Keohane's book.
But by going after it, Mearsheimer never circles back to the fact that Keohane, like him, brought up the necessity of continuing NATO.
So Mearsheimer didn't really address Keohane's critique of his piece 🤷♂️
But Mearsheimer wouldn't leave the issue unaddressed for long. He directly took it on in his 1995 @Journal_IS piece, "False Promise of International Institutions"
My view is it would have been good if Keohane and Martin had themselves unpacked the role played by NATO (not just cite the Duffield piece) given how central it, and security in general, is to JJM's claims.
Indeed, this comes up in Mearsheimer's response to Keohane and Martin.
Which of these two men is most responsible for World War II?
Short answer: not Churchill
Long answer: [THREAD]
To be clear, in this thread I am dealing with the onset of the war in Europe. The War in Asia was just as important and obviously connected to Europe. But that is for another thread. For now, I do highly recommend Paine's book "The Wars for Asia"
Solving the "Europe Problem" has vexed US foreign policy since the beginning.
[THREAD]
As I wrote last week, a key trait of US "grand strategy" since the founding of the Republic was "Go West" either by expanding US territory west or seeking to maintain trade with China.
Since the founding of the republic, US foreign policy has been about one thing:
Go west (and don't let Europe get in the way).
[THREAD]
I'll write more about "don't let Europe get in the way" in another 🧵. This one will focus on the "Go west" part (which will also touch on the Europe part).
One could go so far as to argue that the Republic itself was founded because of a desire to go west. Specifically, the colonials were forbidden to go west of the 1763 Proclamation line.
When you hear "Liberal International Order", just think "the G-7, for better and for worse"
[THREAD]
While some scholars and policy makers like to speak of the "Liberal International Order" as the collection of post-World War II international institutions.... cambridge.org/core/journals/…
...the phrase itself is much more recent in origins, largely a product of the mid-1990s.
As I wrote in my latest for @WPReview, shifting patterns in population growth will inevitably influence international politics. worldpoliticsreview.com/global-demogra…
This isn't a new idea. It's one found in classic works on change in world politics.