1/ Poverty Causes Violent Crime, Right? Not Necessarily
Have we read Kevin D. Williamson’s ‘Big White Ghetto’ yet?
quote/
“The overall crime rate throughout Appalachia is about two-thirds the national average, and the rate of violent crime is half the national average,
2/ according to the National Criminal Justice Reference Service.”
[...]
There are lots of diversions in the Big White Ghetto, the vast moribund matrix of Wonder Bread–hued Appalachian towns and villages stretching from northern Mississippi to southern New York.
3/ It’s a slowly dissipating nebula of poverty and misery with its heart in eastern Kentucky, the last redoubt of the Scots-Irish working class that picked up where African slave labor left off, mining and cropping and sawing the raw materials for a modern American economy that
4/ would soon run out of profitable uses for the class of people who 500 years ago would have been known, without any derogation intended, as peasants. Thinking about the future here, with its bleak prospects, is not much fun at all. So instead of too much black-minded
5/ introspection you have the pills and the dope, the morning beers, the endless scratch-off lotto cards, the healing meetings up on the hill, the federally funded ritual of trading cases of food-stamp Pepsi for packs of Kentucky’s Best cigarettes and good old hard currency,
6/ tall piles of gas-station nachos, the occasional blast of meth, Narcotics Anonymous meetings, petty crime, The Draw, the recreational making and surgical unmaking of teenaged mothers, and death: Life expectancies are short; the typical man here dies well over a decade earlier
7/ than a man in Fairfax County, Va. And they are getting shorter, women’s life expectancy having declined by nearly 1.1 percent from 1987 to 2007.
If the people here weren’t 98.5 percent white, we’d call it a reservation.
@LeonydusJohnson 1/ Take a look at Cheryl Harris’ foundational (1993) essay, “Whiteness as Property,” in which she considered how a legal expansion of affirmative action, inspired by the redistributive policies ANC in post-apartheid South Africa, could be a model for the US.
@LeonydusJohnson 2/ She contemplates how the gov could use AA to justify seizing land and property at below market value:
And see Judge Bernice Donald’s dissent in Antonio Vitolo, et al v. Isabella Guzman, where she argues: (1) The SBA funding gap between minority-owned
@LeonydusJohnson 3/ and non-minority-owned businesses is attributable to "centuries of intentional discrimination and oppression of racial minorities," and (2) the US government is responsible for past and present racist policies and practices that created this and
@mattyglesias 1/ Take a look at Cheryl Harris’ foundational (1993) essay, “Whiteness as Property,” in which she considered how a legal expansion of affirmative action, inspired by the redistributive policies ANC in post-apartheid South Africa, could be a model for the US.
@mattyglesias 2/ She contemplates how the gov could use AA to justify seizing land and property at below market value:
And see Judge Bernice Donald’s dissent in Antonio Vitolo, et al v. Isabella Guzman, where she argues: (1) The SBA funding gap between minority-owned
@mattyglesias 3/ and non-minority-owned businesses is attributable to "centuries of intentional discrimination and oppression of racial minorities," and (2) the US government is responsible for past and present racist policies and practices that created this and
1/ CRT scholars Richard Delgado & Jean Stefancic say Critical Race Theory “questions the very foundations of the liberal order, including equality theory, legal reasoning, Enlightenment rationalism,
2/ and neutral principles of constitutional law" (‘Intro to Crit Race Theory,’ 2001).
It’s good to question things, right?
Sure it is. But what does that look like in practice? Two examples:
[1] Cheryl Harris’ foundational (1993) essay, “Whiteness as Property,” in which
3/ she considered how a legal expansion of affirmative action, inspired by the redistributive policies of the African National Congress (ANC) in post-apartheid South Africa, could be a model for the US:
1/ It’s currently not popular because it distracts from systemic racism (which is real) and can be made friendly to racial essentialism (which is not).
But we simply can’t explain violence gaps on the basis of poverty alone.
2/ Three counterexamples:
[1] High poverty but low violent crime in NYC in the last decade of the 19 century:
quote/
From 1890 to 1899 there were a total of 675 murders in New York City, which is less than there were in any one year in Gotham between 1970 and 1990.
3/ In 1970 alone there were 1,117 killings, and that was the best year of those two crime-infested decades. In the 1890s the city’s homicide victimization rate never exceeded 4 per 100,000. By contrast, from 1970 to 1985, New York City’s rate averaged 21.5 per 100,000.
@SethAbramson 1/ No one serious is claiming children are being assigned essays from professional legal studies journals. The point is a whole new K-12 pedagogy is emerging downstream from these grad-school ideas.
@SethAbramson 2/ Founders of CRT and curriculum designers/ instructional coordinators have explicitly used the term “CRT” to describe educational practices.
@SethAbramson 3/ From *Rethinking Ethnic Studies*, on K-12 ed.
"As Ethnic Studies courses enter K-12 school contexts, critical race theory offers concrete tools for framing pedagogies of race..."
Buffalo Public Schools has implemented antiracist curricula at various grade levels, including “the disruption of Western nuclear family dynamics.” In the kindergarten curriculum, children are required to watch a video dramatizing the death
@DB1212013@mattyglesias 2/ of black children and warning them (kindergarteners) to beware of “racist police and state-sanctioned violence.” Middle school students are taught that “white elites work to perpetuate racism through politics, law, education, and the media,” and that “all white people play a
@DB1212013@mattyglesias 3/ part in perpetuating systemic racism.” High school students are encouraged to begin “confronting whiteness in classrooms.”