Status-seekers are hostile online & offline, but their online attacks are more visible. Nice people do not go crazy online.
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We use representative surveys from the US and Denmark to document that people perceive online environments as more hostile than offline. In figure, higher values equals more perceived hostility and dark gray plots show distribution for "online debates". (2/10)
A common narrative, the mismatch hypothesis, says this reflects a mismatch between (a) a psychology adapted for face-to-face interaction and (b) the impersonal online environment. We test 3 versions of this hypothesis: Mismatched-induced change, selection and perception (3/10)
CHANGE: Do online environments induce hostility because nice people are less able to regulate their emotions online? No. People who report that they are hostile online also report that they are hostile offline. There are no differences across the two context. (4/9)
SELECTION: Are online environments hostile because the setting is attractive to those predisposed for hostility? No. Hostile people (e.g., status-obsessed individuals) talk about politics whenever they can. However, non-hostile people seem to opt out of online debates. (5/9)
PERCEPTION: Do people misinterpret benign intentions as hostile in online debates? No. When asked about own experiences, conflicts online & offline are perceived as equally severe. Using behavioural experiments, we also find no systematic bias in perceptions of SoMe posts. (6/10)
What then explains 'the hostility gap'? Online environments do not turn nice people into trolls. Those who are mean to you online would be equally mean to you offline. Both online and offline hostility is driven by status concerns. (7/10)
Rather than psychological mismatches, the gap seems to reflect *connectivity*: that the public nature of online discussions exposes people to way more hostile attacks directed against strangers. Offline, these are hidden to the public eye. (9/10)
How to guard against online hate? It is not an 'accident' but a deliberate strategy pursued by status-driven people. While many do not personally fall victim to attacks, they are public, shaping overall perceptions. To reduce online hate, such people need to be contained. (8/10)
The paper is here as a preprint and soon in print at @apsrjournal: psyarxiv.com/hwb83/. For more, see this thread by @boralexander1 who got this 8 study monster of representative observations and survey & behavioral experiments over the line:
We surveyed experiences of victims in 30 countries across the world (N=15,202) to show that political & economic inequality drive global differences in abuse on online platforms:
Our preregistered study show that experiences of being a victim to online hostility vary widely. West Europeans experience political hostility less than once a month but hostility is much higher in other parts of the world. 2/12
These differences reflect basic societal conditions of inequality. Political equality (i.e., presence of democracy) is highly correlated with online abuse (corr = -.69) as is economic inequality (corr = .45). 3/12
“The unvaccinated, I really want to piss them off. And so, we’re going to continue doing so, until the end. That’s the strategy,” said Macron during the COVID-19 pandemic
In a new article, we show the risks of such moralized cost-imposition:
Similar, but less strong, rethoric was used by the Danish primeminister during a press conference on Nov 8, 2021.
During the time, we collected daily representative surveys of trust in the response etc. in the @HopeProject_dk. 2/7
@HopeProject_dk Our findings show that, as result of the press conference, unvaccinated lost 11 %-points of trust in the response. It also decreased their motivation to contribute to the collective action problem of reducing infections as well as their felt ability to cope with the pandemic. 3/7
I was asked by the board of the Danish National Research Foundation, @GrundforskFond, to give a talk at their annual meeting.
They asked me to talk under the theme: "Preprints"
Here is what I said 👇
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@GrundforskFond A key challenge facing the dissemination of knowledge is delays in publication ().
The social sciences are hard hit. 18 months from submission to publication in Economics & this is only *if* the paper is accepted in that journal. 2/18 sciencedirect.com/science/articl…
@GrundforskFond The evidence suggest that the delay is getting worse, not better, over time (). This is mostly due to increased time in review.
@concitoinfo Tal fra @ HopeProject_dk viser, at der ikke er helt aMMW konsensus om hårde instrumenter som skatter og afgifter, men selv er der kun ca. 30 %, der er uenige: 3/8 https://t.co/yV5W77QaHxgithub.com/Hopeproject202…
The Danish government has appointed me to direct a 5-year audit of Danish democracy in the 21st century: ufm.dk/aktuelt/presse…
Political scientists can think of Dahl's classic, "Who Governs?", but for an entire country. It is a monumental research challenge.
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Parliament-initiated studies of power & democracy constitute a Scandinavian tradition. The last Danish study ended in 2003. In the following year Facebook was launched & fundamental societal changes have happened since. 2/5
A core focus is thus how and whether "slow-speed" democracy is fundamentally threatened by current "high-speed" society -- characterised by rapid technological innovation, increasing problem complexity, fast-paced media reporting & rising inequality. 3/5
I denne tråd skitserer jeg det, der ligger forude, og nogle af de udfordringer, som demokratiet står foran i det 21. århundrede.
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Magtudredninger er en særlig skandinavisk tradition, hvor parlamentet beder uafhængige forskere om at vurdere om de - og andre magtaktører - lever op til demokratiets idealer og udstyrer forskerne med væsentlige ressourcer til den opgave. 2/14
Én gang tidligere har man gennemført en magtudredning i DK (magtudredningen.dk). Bl.a. under overskriften "et ganske levende demokrati" konkluderede man, at DKs demokrati var robust, og at forskydningerne af magt i høj grad var politisk bestemte & dermed under kontrol. 3/14