Heads up, people who don’t follow GDPR news: This case is a big deal. It’s basically asking the CJEU to rule that FB’s whole ads system violates the GDPR.
My (very speculative) crystal ball says: Expect a ruling that messes up the ads business model at the margins in ways that sort of track real world privacy values and sort of track how the tech works, but that fall short on both fronts in confusing ways.
No disrespect to the CJEU intended here, BTW. The materials they review often lack any well-developed factual record or amicus/intervenor briefs from independent experts or NGOs to explain key legal issues. And then they have to reach a consensus position. That’s a rough set-up.
It’s especially rough in intermediary liability cases, which almost always involve three competing interests (speaker, platform, and injured person) and almost always are litigated between just two parties (platform and injured person).
Internet users' data protection rights often get sacrificed the most in intermediary liability cases. Platforms will argue against e.g. pervasive filtering based on users' expression rights. But arguing based on users' DP/privacy rights isn't in their interest.
In the CJEU's Glawischnig-Piesczek v. Facebook Ireland case, for example, not a single party or intervenor explained the data protection issues, even though data protection is discussed in every relevant CJEU case. I talk about this huge advocacy gap here academic.oup.com/grurint/articl…
Search for "Litigation Process Problems" to go straight to the section talking about lack of advocacy for data protection rights in these intermediary liability cases.
academic.oup.com/grurint/articl…

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More from @daphnehk

7 Jul
Trump's de-platforming lawsuit turns on the idea that Twitter and others took down content under pressure from Dem politicians, thus becoming state actors who can be sued under the First Amendment. 1/
That's... not how state action works. But politicians pressuring platforms to take down lawful speech is problematic. This practice is called "jawboning," and @dbambauer wrote a useful article about it. I also discuss it in Who Do You Sue. 2/
The irony (OK, one of many) is that Trump was Jawboner in Chief. He tried his best to strongarm platforms into adopting *his* preferred speech policies. So much so that @CenDemTech sued him. (When the President does stuff, that really is state action & can violate the 1st Am) 3/
Read 4 tweets
1 Jul
A few more musings on the ruling striking down the Florida platform law. storage.courtlistener.com/recap/gov.usco…

1/
(1) Same lesson as the Facebook antitrust ruling earlier this week: Norms and assumptions change faster in the political sphere, but more slowly in courts. Slowing down and setting forth your factual, legal, logical justification matters.
2/
In other words, don’t get high on your own supply (of rhetoric).
3/
Read 13 tweets
30 Jun
Are there Democrats in Congress who simultaneously
(1) want platforms to act against things like electoral and Covid disinformation and
(2) support Rep. @davidcicilline's antitrust bill with Sect. 2(a)(3) intact?

I see a serious conflict there.
As I read it, that part of the Cicilline bill opens the door to Infowars, Breitbart, The Daily Stormer et al bringing must-carry claims against platforms, or demanding higher ranking.
Here's what that part of the bill prohibits. The first two are about self-dealing by platforms, which is totally appropriate for antitrust/competition law. The third one opens the floodgates to litigation about speech and content moderation -- and bad outcomes.
Read 5 tweets
22 Jun
OK here's my quick and dirty gloss on the Peterson v. Youtube case from the CJEU today. 1/
curia.europa.eu/juris/document…
I see this case as having three big questions:
(1) When can a platform be liable for (c) infringement under substantive (c) law?
(2) When is platform immunized from such infringement by eCommerce safe harbors?
(3) What injunctions can issue even if platform is not liable?

2/
Question (1) -- when can a platform be liable for (c) infringement under substantive (c) law -- turns on evolving case law about communication to the public.
Bottom line: There are a lot of ways to wind up liable here, so the safe harbor issue in Question (2) matters a ton.
3/
Read 24 tweets
21 Jun
It’s 2027. You’re a growing US platform startup, considering international growth. UK’s Online Safety bill has become law, and so has the EU’s DSA. So you know initial compliance costs are steep in both markets, and both have future regulatory risk.
Do you launch in:
If you responded, is your answer based on knowing something about:

(Wish I could cross-reference w answers to first poll...)
OK last one. The EU DSA has serious extraterritorial reach (think GDPR) and fines up to 6% of annual turnover. UK's Online Safety law has even broader territorial reach, and 10% fines.
For the region where you aren't yet in compliance, do you:
Read 4 tweets
21 May
I finally hit on the perfect term for the interoperability issues around sharing friends' data: Other People's Privacy (OPP).
So bummed I hadn't thought of that in time for this event.
You better believe I'd be telling you about OPP™ right now if a few people hadn't beaten me to it. Surprisingly few, though.
And before you ask, it's for a different class of goods and services than that other OPP.
Read 4 tweets

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