The BIF is at a critical moment and Dems have to be careful not to get played. It has spiraled from “we’ll be ready Monday” to “Ok maybe not Monday” to the fact that *transit* remains unresolved in an infrastructure package, to Coons suggesting the BIF drop transit altogether. 1/
First, caveat: it’s (often) darkest before the dawn. These kinds of deals can see a lot of last-minute squabbling before getting finalized. But the size of this group, intended as a show of force, makes it particularly unwieldy. So, this could all be last-minute jockeying. Or…
I have a habit (that I would love to shake one day) of looking at these things through the lens of, what does McConnell want? Ostensibly, he has been in the background. But on a high-profile issue that could define this session, he's probably not actually in the background.
As always, McConnell wants what's best for his conference and 2022ers. A bipartisan win on Dems' top agenda item would be good for Dems and bad for Rs. Ergo, McConnell probably does not want BIF to pass. There are complex theories on why he might. But I'll go Occam's Razor here.
McConnell has always been focused on denying bipartisanship to Democrats. In this great @JoshuaGreen profile from 2011, McConnell let the mask slip - a rare occurrence.

A decade later, Democrats should enter every negotiation with this front of mind. theatlantic.com/magazine/archi…
The problem is that Dems have never stopped being horny for bipartisanship. It wafts off them like pheromones. When I worked for Reid, we talked about "deal disease," which is when you become more obsessed with getting the deal than delivering good policy. Dems project it.
This is not 2009. Then, Grassley singlehandedly strung along Dems and reporters into thinking bipartisanship was possible on ACA. McConnell made no secret of his opposition, in part because he was a new leader who had to persuade Republicans to oppose a POTUS with a 60+ approval.
Dems should assume McConnell's goal is the same now as in 2009: string Democrats along for as long as possible while convincing reporters there's a real chance at bipartisan cooperation on a top agenda item. When bipartisanship fails, pin it on Dems, or at least muddy the waters.
On BIF, Plan A for McConnell might be for it to die of its own weight, with him seen by all as neutral. This means Dems don't get bipartisanship on their top priority, while he keeps enough credibility with Manchin, Sinema & Biden to stop them from turning to filibuster reform.
Ideally, under Plan A, Democrats would be blamed for BIF's failure. Maybe it's a procedural objection, like all the drama over the cloture vote. Barring that, it could be Republicans taking an unreasonable stance on something like transit funding, and forcing Dems to walk away.
Plan B for McConnell might be to pull enough Rs off the bill to prevent it from getting 60, after eating lots of clock. The downside is that his opposition would probably become clear. But the upside is that he still bled out a lot of Biden's political capital in his first year.
Since this is not 2009 and folks are more alert to McConnell's tactics, it's crucial that all involved, including the negotiators, think he's neutral. This can backfire. But the reason it can work is that the vast majority of his conference opposes the deal & peer pressure works.
One danger is that to keep the deal alive, Dems will prop up the idea that McConnell and Rs are acting in good faith. The negotiators may think they are. But all the drama over the cloture vote and Republicans’ unreasonable stance on transit funding, should be big red flags.
Yea, this. While Republicans are working to pin the failure on Dems, Dems are still telling reporters that Republicans are operating in good faith. I’ve seen it many times. The blame-game matters for the hearts and minds of moderates, whose votes we need on reconciliation.

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More from @AJentleson

22 Jul
The question people ask on this and similar polls is: what is Sinema doing? Is this a politically necessary or super=savvy ploy to hold her seat, one that justifies the big sacrifices to Biden's agenda on voting rights and much else? Let's take a look. 1/
If the goal of Sinema's rightward gambit is to be popular in AZ, the results are meh. She comes in at 44% and net +2 approval among Arizonans - an OK number since it's narrowly positive, but lower than Biden (50%, +2) and especially Kelly's net +11.
One clear effect of her rightward lurch is to severely harm her support among Dems. Being barely above 50% with your own party is not a great place to be, especially in our polarized era. Compare her approval among Dems (54%, +13) to Kelly's (85%, +76) and Biden's (94%, +89).
Read 11 tweets
22 Jul
I don't hate this answer. If President Biden wants to pass voting rights, he'll have to go further. But this is an evolution, and a long way from where he was on the filibuster as recently as last year. That's progress. Whether it will happen fast enough remains to be seen.
The powerful framing by @donlemon and the audience reaction show how far the issue has come. Filibuster reform is re-establishing its place as a civil rights issue. Dems who used to relish defending it, like Biden, are now tentative and defensive. This is how change happens.
Amy Klobuchar was against filibuster reform during the campaign - now she's a champion. There's a tension here, because change can happen but also not happen fast enough, and we have a very limited window to pass voting rights. And it's quite possible it won't happen fast enough.
Read 6 tweets
28 Jun
Reid had a theory of politics that was different from other Dem leaders. A big part of it was that he gave absolutely zero fucks about what the Beltway crowd thought about him, or whether his actions met their approval. There’s only one other leader in DC of whom that is true.
On the worst days, Reid would get absolutely flayed. I would come in feeling like I’d failed. And he would just laugh. Not like, a laughing-on-the-outside-while-crying-on-the-inside kinda thing. Like: hearing about his bad press at the end of the bad day would *improve* his mood.
Reid grew up in a house made of railroad ties, in the middle of the desert. He learned to swim in a brothel pool (his mom did its laundry). He was self-aware about what he had attained. He kept his family close and cared very little about what anyone else thought.
Read 10 tweets
23 Jun
It’s worth reflecting on how much ink was spilled over the last few months about how S1 didn’t have 50 votes, and how lots of Dems had reservations beyond Manchin & Sinema. Yet when the vote was called and it was time for senators to go on record, lo and behold! S1 got 50 votes.
Everyone always has complaints. The tricky part is separating the showstoppers from secondary complaints and people just jockeying for position. Worth recalling the DADT repeal vote in 2010 which Reid brought up over the objections of the bill’s own sponsors. Yet, It passed!
Right, but this is the point. I don’t recall reading any stories about how Endless Frontiers was dead because some senators wanted changes and amendments to the bill. This is how it works (as you know): you get on the bill, make changes if you can, then see where thing stand.
Read 7 tweets
22 Jun
The question of whether to reform the filibuster boils down to whether we want a functional government or a dysfunctional one. This is how the Framers saw it. This is why they opposed the filibuster or anything like it, and why they created the Senate as a majority-rule body. 1/
Madison called majority rule the “republican principle.” He was consistent, from when he was a young man crafting the Constitution until the 1830s, when he was asked to respond to Calhoun’s argument that the minority should get to wield a veto over the majority (Madison said no).
Madison zeroed in on the principle that if the minority were allowed to wield a veto over the majority, “the fundamental principle of free government would be reversed.”

The reason? “The power would be transferred to the minority,” he said.

That’s exactly what Sinema is doing.
Read 13 tweets
10 Jun
Since we’re all about gangs this week, please step into my TED talk about how the Gang of 14 was one of Democrats’ worst strategic mistakes of the past few decades.

The year is 2005. Republicans really, really want to go nuclear to confirm Bush’s judges. Like, really want to.
Bush, Cheney and Frist were all eager to go nuclear. The floor general for the fight was a young comer named Addison Mitch McConnell. In May, on the Senate floor, McConnell announced that the “Senate is prepared to restore the Senate’s traditions and precedents,” and go nuclear.
To lay the intellectual groundwork for the effort, former Baker counsel and all-around Senate guru Martin Gold penned a law review article dubbing it the “constitutional option.” It’s good! Makes a strong case the Framers would’ve opposed the filibuster 😊 faculty.washington.edu/jwilker/353/35…
Read 34 tweets

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