#Thread
"Who lost Pakistan?"
Pakistan' s finance minister @HinaRKhar gave Holbrooke a tutorial on U.S. aid to Pakistan.
she said:
People can point to Chinese bridge, they cannot identify a single thing your aid has done. @vali_nasr
Most of the money never gets to Pakistan; it is spent in Washington. Of every $ you say you give to Pakistan, maybe 10 cents makes it to Pakistan. You never ask us what we need and what you should give aid to. Your aid does nothing for your image.
You have to fix it. @HinaRKhar
The Bush administration had treated Pakistan and Afghanistan as if they were on two different continents. The Obama administration changed that. Afghanistan and Pakistan belonged together: they were in fact one policy area—AfPak.
#Holbrooke argued that we had important interests in Afghanistan but vital interests in Pakistan. If we did that, it would be better for us and for the world. We will live to regret our insouciance, he warned, and consequent loss of an opportunity to set things right track
In the end, we settled for far more modest assistance to Pakistan, the Kerry-Lugar-Berman legislation of 2009, $7.5 billion aid to Pakistan over a 5 year period—the first long term all-CIVILIAN aid Package.
But after the US-Pakistan strategic Dialogue finally got going, Holbrooke passed away and following the first crisis of 2011, Washington quickly froze the talks. Holbrooke’s successor Marc Grossman told Pakistani press, we have no common interests.
Pakistan was always going to be a hard case. My point is that we made it harder than it had to be. We failed when it came to strategic vision, we failed in our commitment to diplomacy. We have less influence in Pakistan in 2012 after a year of confrontation.
Writes @vali_nasr
We acted as if we could walk away from which of course we cannot and will not do, and they knew it all along.
We could’ve managed Pakistan better. We didn’t have to break the relationship and put Pakistan’s stability at risk. @vali_nasr
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کبھی کبھی میں یہ سوچتا ہوں
حسین جب دشتِ کربلا میں
یزید سے پنجہ آزما تھے
علی کا بیٹا، خدا کے محبوب کا نواسہ
خلیفہء وقت کے مقابل
چٹان بن کر ڈٹا ہوا تھا
تو میں کدھر تھا؟
اگر میں سبطِ نبی کے مظلوم جانثاروں کی صف میں ہوتا
شہید ہوتا!
یزید کی فوج میں جو ہوتا
تو حق کی آواز کو دبانے پہ خلعتِ فاخرہ ہی پاتا
مگر شہادت مرا مقدر نہیں بنی تھی
نہ مجھ کو خلعت ہی مل سکی تھی
تو میں کدھر تھا؟
جو میں نے سوچا تو میں نے جانا
نہ میں اِدھر تھا، نہ میں اُدھر تھا
مجھے حسین اور ان کے سارے اصول سب ہی عزیز تھے، پر
میرے مفادات مجھ کو ان سے عزیزتر تھے
میرے مفادات جو عبارت تھے میری ذات اور میرے بچوں کی عافیت سے
وہ حاکمِ وقت کی نگاہِ کرم کے محتاج و منتظر تھے
The Hindus thought he was a Muslim communalist, the Muslims took him to be a pro-Hindu, the Prince deemed him to be too DEMOCRATIC. The British considered him a rabid extremist with the result that he was everywhere but nowhere.None wanted him.
I displeased the Muslims. I displeased my Hindu friends because of the famous 14 points. I displeased the Prince because I was deadly against their underhand activities, and I displeased the British Parliament because I felt RIGHT from the beginning and I rebelled against it,
You may belong to any religion or caste or creed – that has nothing to do with the business of the State.#MohammadAliJinnah
#Thread#Afghaniatan
In 2010, during a visit to White House, General Kiyani gave President Obama a 13 page white paper he had written to to explain his views on the outstanding strategic issues between Pakistan and US. @vali_nasr
You are not going to win the war, and you are not going to transform Afghanistan. This place has devoured empires before you; it will defy you as well.
Gen Kayani to US President
Stop your grandiose plans and let’s get practical, sit down and discuss how you will leave and what is an end state we can both live with.
~ Gen Kayani 2010
Under duress:
The Sindh government twice attempted to outlaw #forcedconversions and marriages, including laying guidelines for the court process in the Protection of Minorities Bill, placing an age limit of 18 years upon conversions. dailytimes.com.pk/671303/under-d… via @dailytimespak
Pakistan Tehreek Insafgovernment, vowed in their 2018 election manifesto that “PTI will protect the civil, social and religious rights of minorities; their places of worship, property and institutions as laid down in the Constitution.”
In 2019, a revised version was introduced, but religious parties protested once again. A sit-in was organised by Pir Mian Abdul Khaliq Mian Mithu, a political and religious leader and a central character in many cases of forced conversions of underage Hindu girls in Sindh.
عسکریت بڑی شے ہے کہ محبّت کے اصول
بولہب کا گھرانہ ہے کہ درگاہِ رسول
طبل و لشکر مُتبرّک ہیں کہ تطہیرِ بُتول
مسجدیں علم کا گھر ہیں کہ مشن کے اسکول
آج جو بیتی ہے کیا کل بھی یہی بیتے گی
بینڈ جیتے گا یا شاعر کی غزل جیتے گی
اے وطن یہ ترا اُترا ہوا چہرہ کیوں ہے
غُرفہ و بامِ شبستاں میں اندھیرا کیوں ہے
درد پلکوں سے لہو بن کے چھلکتا کیوں ہے
ایک اک سانس پہ تنقید کا پہرا کیوں ہے
کس نے ماں باپ کی سی آنکھ اُٹھالی تجھ سے
چھین لی کس نے ترے کان کی بالی تجھ سے
تم نے ہر دور میں دانش پہ کئی وار کئے
جبر کے منہ میں دہکتے ہوئے الفاظ دِیے
اپنی آسائش ِ یک عُمر ِ گریزاں کے لِیے
سب کو تاراج کیا تم نے مگر تم نہ جیے
علم نے خونِ رگِ جاںدیا اور نہ مَرا
علم نے زہر کا ہیمانہ پیا اور نہ مَرا
THE embers of #hate are once again being stoked. To prevent history from being repeated and innocent blood spilled in the name of religion, the government must act urgently and decisively.
The PPP’s parliamentary leader in the Senate, @sherryrehman sounded the alarm in the upper house on Friday when she brought up the intensifying anti-#Shia campaign and described it as “extremely shocking that this issue is not being raised”.
The state’s silence is indeed inexplicable. It appears to have wilfully chosen to close its eyes to this sinister development. Recently in Karachi, three ‘Azmat-i-Sahaba’ rallies were taken out on successive days — by #Deobandi and #Barelvi organisations, and third by #AhleHadith