I've been thinking a lot about this. I share @radleybalko's view that far more damage is being done by Tucker Carlson (e.g.) than people making horse paste jokes. I disagree that a profusion of condemnatory pieces would improve things. Here's my thinking for your consideration:
1. While I have long believed that e.g. Tucker Carlson is acting in bad faith on many things, I don't think, e.g., Joe Rogan is acting in bad faith on Ivermectin, and condemning people who are wrong in damaging ways but are acting in good faith automatically loses a lot of people
2. Likewise, the premise that one *must* be acting in bad faith and/or be worthy of condemnation for believing in the promise of Ivermectin obviously rings hollow to *people who believe Ivermectin has promise to treat Covid*
3. On the other hand, the subset of people who've turned to Ivermectin does overlap heavily with people who *don't trust expert consensus* but *are willing to think through things* (however good or bad at that they are) to reach their own conclusions.
5. It's not perfect, as it relies a bit too much on meta appeals, but it's pretty careful and earnest and pretty well done, which is to say: it lays out relevant facts and tries to persuade people with them as if they aren't contemptible idiots, which they mostly aren't.
6. Like the author of that piece, I don't think one of its targets, @BretWeinstein, is acting in bad faith. Quite the contrary. I do think he has been wrong about Ivermectin in important ways. Laying out why strikes me as a better path than condemnation.
7. All of this is informed by a belief in something like the thesis in Revolt of the Public, and the related insight that the surfeit of information available to everyone makes being *directionally correct* insufficient to persuade if you're *sloppy and wrong on details*
8. And to me, the reason to criticize media outlets and elites on Ivermectin coverage is that * so many* have let their feelings of contempt make them *egregiously sloppy and wrong on details* in a way that is further undermining trust in my conclusion:
9. That conclusion is that *almost everyone* should get vaccinated and *should not rely on Ivermectin as if it will protect you from getting Covid*. If I could, I would bet my savings on those propositions, it is what I did, and it's what I urged my loved ones to do, not because
10. I mindlessly trust public health authorities or the media--I am constantly critical of both--but because I treated the matter as a very important one for me personally, did lots of reading and interviews with knowledgeable people I trust, and that's the conclusion I reached.
11. If you're someone who believes that *disdainful ridicule* would be preferable to and more effective than my method when it comes to persuading people on this matter of public health (I'm not talking about @radleybalko here), then I have a parting challenge for you:
12. Give me another example when you think *disdainful ridicule* is the best way forward that involves a target audience to whom you're sympathetic rather than one that is, for you, the outgroup. If you can't, is effectiveness really your lodestar here?
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The confidence with which some attribute this monocausally to "racism" despite significant evidence that other factors are at play is the latest illustration of how reflexive adherence to an Ur narrative harms our ability to address what is, in this case, a life or death problem.
Here is a USA Today poll about attitudes toward public safety in Detroit usatoday.com/story/news/pol… Ask yourself if @jasonintrator's claim can be squared with its findings
One needn't pay particularly close attention to know there is an uptick in murders in many American cities, and that people are concerned by that trens because murder is scary and bad.
Yesterday, @Grits4Breakfast, a criminal justice reformer I respect and frequently agree with, criticized the recent piece wherein I argue that, as a matter of substance and rhetoric, the slogan/lodestar "defund the police" should be replaced. (1/x)
My piece made clear that the national Democratic Party had abandoned the slogan--indeed, that is a cornerstone of my case that it is utterly unpopular and politically untenable. But in @Grits4Breakfast's telling, the slogan at this point is nothing but a GOP talking point.
Yet here is a new article in The Nation, which chose, among all the criminal justice debates it could have hosted, "Do We Need Police?" thenation.com/article/societ…
When I hear the caricature of "cramming" more housing into areas that tourists visit, and the claim that they would be spoiled and no one would come after that, I tell people, stop thinking Tokyo (though it is great) and start thinking San Sebastian
No one walks around San Sebastian thinking, "Gar, this is overbuilt and spoiled." And yet its density permits many more people to enjoy a given plot than Carmel permits.
While I get the impulse to figure out whether the illiberal right or left is a bigger threat-and do so myself when forced, as when I voted for Hillary Clinton instead of DJT, seeing him as the bigger threat-I try to remind people that competing illiberalisms fuel one another, &
that this is so even when the illiberalisms are *not* equivalent, morally or practically.
And I find it a useful exercise to think of how we feel when the illiberalism we find to be the bigger threat manifests, and to understand that there are folks "on the other side" who
feel similarly in the other direction.
As an extremely anti-censorship person, this has certainly helped me to understand even impulses to censor that I sympathize with least. Of course, my project is to seek clarity, not to align in solidarity with any faction, and that bothers
IMHO, radical clarity here requires acknowledging the legal and principled differences between higher ed and K through 12 as well as the distinction between teaching versus promoting material.
Some Constitutionally protected speech, like hard core pornography, should absolutely be banned from first and second grade classrooms.
Some heinous ideas, like Nazi ideology, should be taught as part of history education, but absolutely never promoted or endorsed.
If you have public schools, which some anarchists and libertarians don't want, you have to bite the bullet and recognize that the state will be including some ideas and excluding others from curriculum. Some matters of controversy should be debated. But not all. Example: