quagmire with no obvious endpoint. That is not K at all. The war has been over since mid-1953, and it is NK, not the allies, who provokes. The lack of paperwork - a formal peace treaty - has no bearing on the empirical situation on the ground which is far from open conflict.
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B. A 'War-Ending Declaration' (종전선언) is a legally bizarre neologism which no one really understands
The only reason this strange language is used is bc the Moon government's first effort to get a 'peace treaty' failed, as did its second, vaguer 'peace regime' effort. So
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then we got the even murkier 'war-ending statement' idea, a weird fallback in the quixotic effort by the SK left to write a paper resolution to the war. But if it's not a treaty, then what is it? I spoke at a National Assembly Research Service (NARS) conference on this in 2018
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when it was a hot topic. Everyone knew what a treaty was and why it was important. But no one really knew what a war-end declaration meant. The lawyers, MPs, and academics in attendance spent the whole time arguing about it: it is diplomatic recognition, a treaty, mutual
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disarmament, a statement of intent? And what would flow from it? No one really knew.
C. Signing It Makes No Difference if Nothing Else Changes
If a treaty/war-end declaration does not reflect a political narrowing of the extreme regime type difference between N and SK,then
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it will make no difference, bc nothing will change on the ground. In practice this means that a real treaty end to the war requires NK liberalization, bc SK is not going to become more like NK. I.e, if NK stays the orwellian, cultish DPRK it is, complete w/ a million soldiers
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forward deployed on the DMZ, a spiraling WMD program, and gulags, then what would change post-treaty? Neither side would disarm; the inter-K arms race would continue; the US & UN commitment would still be needed; human rights wd still be a big issue; and so on. So what is the
D. US Obduracy is Not the Primary Reason there is No Peace Treaty
Yes, the US is nervous about a treaty, but for good reason - it undercuts the legal basis of UNC and USFK. At the NARS conference I did, everyone admitted this. But there are
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actually a lot of other, more important factors:
i) Implacable Resistance of the SK Right
The right here is anti-communist and pro-Southern-led unification. The Moon government has made no effort to reach out to them on this issue. They'll fight hard.
ii) SK Center/Median
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Voter will be Nervous about Anything which Questions the US Commitment
The alliance is very popular and backstops SK growth & participation in the global economy. 'SK' isn't pining for this declaration; only the SK left really is, maybe 35% of the country. Moon just doesn’t
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have the domestic support for this which is why this idea, which the left has kicked around for decades, never goes anywhere, just like Moon's 2019 inter-K 'peace economy' idea flopped.
iii) Legal Confusion
SK did not sign the armistice, so no one is quite clear what its
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role in a declaration or treaty would be. But China did, so it would seem to have a veto. Do we want to invite CN further into Korean affairs given its cynical manipulation of NK as a 'buffer,' mistreatment of NK escapees, & bullying of SK on THAAD? The NARS event recognized
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this legal tangle and had no answer.
iv) Constitutional Amendment?
The SK constitution declares SK the sole government of the peninsula. A treaty/declaration which formally recognized NK in some way might well require a constitutional amendment. The NARS event recognized
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this too and had no answer.
E. A US-ROK alliance post-treaty would be contested by NK and China as unnecessary.
Yes, the US and SK could align in conditions of 'peace,' but that is de facto state of the peninsula now anyway, and post-treaty, alignment would only be harder.
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China and NK would claim there's no reason for it. NK in the past has insisted on a US withdrawal as part of ending the war, and China particularly would play hardball on a peacetime US-ROK alliance, just as they did on THAAD.
F. A treaty/declaration is all upside for NK
It
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suggests: inter-K diplomatic normalization; legitimization of NK as an equal, normal K state (rather than the orwellian gangster fiefdom and errant blackhole of Korean history which it is); and undercuts the legitimacy of UN and US presence. So why should we do this? What we
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getting in return for all that? If we are going to do this, can we at least trade a treaty/war-end declaration for NK concession on human rights, WMD, KPA deployments, etc.?
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1. Do not read a huge foreign policy public opinion shift into T’s victory.
Voters do not choose based on FoPo. This is really well-established in pol sci, & polling. I am seeing a lot of FoPo analysts
saying the election means the US public has turned against the liberal int'l order, Ukraine, Israel or whatever. No, it does not. All the data so far suggest that T won bc of the economy (inflation) &, less so, culture (wokeism)
disinterest, T will have a big impact on US FoPo.
T does not share long-standing US liberal & democratic values. He will be a friend to autocrats and complain ceaselessly about US allies. This is a big shift; the US has never had an aspiring authoritarian in the presidency bf.
1. I expected Harris to win👇primarily bc of women voters. Dobbs has been helping Democrats consistently for 2 years, & I saw no reason why that would change now. Worse, Trump & Vance doubled-down on their general sexism & female contempt in
the last few months. I am quite surprised this didn’t fuel a huge women-vote backlash. I think most of the other points in my previous thread are correct tho
2. Which gets me to the big puzzle for me in the election: T’s excellent performance w/ women, including winning white
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women. T so obviously disdains women that even Megyn Kelly was telling his campaign to back off the ‘bro culture’ stuff. Stripping away a right (to abortion) normally guarantees a backlash. I can’t imagine being a women and voting for guy who thinks sexual assault is fun and
1. Prediction: Harris will win bc of an enormous gender gap due to Dobbs & the generalized air of misogyny around the late Trump campaign
2. The failure of US elite institutions to keep T out of politics has been shocking & systemic: the press,
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Congressional Republicans, the courts, the biz community, conservatives on SCOTUS. America is far more vulnerable to an Orbanist, semi-authoritarian takeover than we thought.
3. That elite failure reflects our staggering public failure. It is shocking that so many Americans
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want Trump back in power. This campaign is ending w/ a nat'l debate on whether T is a fascist (!!), yet he will still take at least 46% of the vote. 1/3 of Americans have fallen into what’s basically a cult, and it’s not clear how to pull them out. The rest of T's voters seem
on-the-make schtick would bowl Kim over or wow him into concessions. Instead, Kim played T for credibility-enhancing photo-ops & to foment US-S Korean tensions over how to deal with/ NK.
3. There’s absolutely nothing to suggest T’s approach to NK would be different a second
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time around. There will be no policy development process to work-up alternative offers to NK, no deliberation of what US/SK concessions we might tolerate in exchange for some NK WMD limits, no effort to build consensus w/ Congress, the SKs, or Japanese. Any second T engagement
Good thread, nicely illustrating how de-linked the GOP evangelical base is from the rest of America.
They wanna go after abortion, IVF, birth control, gay marriage, and the rest. GOP leaders know this is electoral suicide, but they don’t know how to get around it. If Biden is
smart, he’ll make personal family & sexual freedom the center of his campaign.
Evangelicals may overwhelm the GOP internally, but the rest of the country thinks they’re weird & creepy
This is the result of social isolation: churches which provide a whole separated lifestyle,
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a TV ‘news’ network which only tells you what you want to hear, home-schooling, a sealed media ecosystem of faith-based movies and influencers telling you that social change is the apocalypse.
Catholics once had parallel institutions like this, especially the schools. But we