I think that this by @IPPR is absolutely right. But NB the overlap with thinking about devolution and much stronger local government.
A critical devolution issue is local government finance: if you want seriously to devolve power to local level, you have to give it its own tax base, immune from Westminster’s tendency to grab power by fiddling around with finance.
And also immune to its tendency to concentrate all restrictions on public spending on local government, in the hope that Westminster will avoid responsibility for the consequences.
Property tax is an ideal local government tax. It’s clear which authority gets what, and taxpayers can’t move it from a high tax to a low tax area.
If you were going to make this tax the main basis of LA funding, however, you would need a rather higher average rate than 0.5% (which is roughly the rate you’d need to replace Council Tax).
Quite painful bills for some. And endless stories about pensioners in (now expensive) houses faced with huge bills.
(You could of course cut other taxes - eg income tax - to make the overall take much the same and shift taxation from income towards - largely windfall - wealth.)
(You could also make the point that encouraging people to move out of property that is bigger than they need, instead of incentivising them to stay as our current system does, would be a good thing.)
(Both very strong points on the merits. But obvious political issues with each.)
Another issue would be huge disparities between local tax bases (the reason why such a tax is regionally redistributive, as pointed out in the paper). An equal tax rate would raise far more per resident in Camden than in Hartlepool. So you’d need some form of evening-out.
Unfortunately, unless you put very strong ring fences round the evening-out process, it would give Westminster a route back in to fiddling around with local government finance, tweaking the process to shovel money to favoured authorities (cf Thatcher and Wandsworth).
None of this is easy: but if you support real devolution and real “levelling up” - i.e. strong local government rather than jumping to Ministers’ latest wheeze - you need to think about these issues.

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More from @GeorgePeretzQC

14 Sep
For electoral reform specialists, this is a problem with the German (and Scottish and Welsh) system, as explained here. Essentially, that system fills ~1/2 the seats by FPTP, and then allocates the other half (list seats) so as to achieve an overall proportional result.
This is how it worked in Scotland last time: the SNP wins almost all the FPTP seats (fans of FPTP: note) but gets hardly any of the list seats, so as to bring its overall seat total to just under 50%.
But FPTP is easily capable of throwing up even madder results than that: in a multi party system, a party may win almost all the FPTP seats with ~30% of the vote, efficiently spread around, with the opposition split.
Read 9 tweets
14 Sep
As Article 16 of the Protocol is in the news, a quick thread.
This is Article 16.
By paragraph 1 the Article applies only if there are “serious economic, societal or environmental difficulties that are liable to persist, or to diversion of trade”.
Read 17 tweets
12 Sep
This is very informative and authoritative about what has been going on: well worth a read.
(To summarise my view in one tweet: if you combine (a) turning a fundamentally political question into a question of constitutional law with (b) a constitution that is ludicrously impossible to change, the result is, inevitably, a complete mess.)
(See also: gun control and restrictions on campaign spending by billionaires.)
Read 4 tweets
11 Sep
Thoughtful and well-informed piece by @tconnellyRTE about the current stand-off over the Protocol. Worth pulling out and emphasising his point that the current U.K. government doesn’t seem to have thought beyond the July Command Paper: a point I can illustrate.
This is what Tony tells us.
My example to illustrate that comes from @jamesrwebber’s and my article on the UK government’s proposal on A10 (State aid) - which generally supported its position that A10 needs to be looked at again in both sides’ interest, and is over the top given the TCA subsidy provisions.
Read 7 tweets
10 Sep
Two points one can make about that thought. 1. The doctrine of unrestrained Parliamentary sovereignty makes “constitutional shields” very hard: any later (or even the same) Parliament can ignore any “shield” written into statute.
Indeed, there was precisely such an attempt at a shield against an arrangement like the Protocol: s.55 of the Taxation (Cross-border Trade) Act 2018 (an ERG-backed amendment).
Despite the assertion in the Protocol (with an eye on s55) that NI remains part of the U.K. customs territory, it probably isn’t.
Read 7 tweets
6 Sep
Somewhat unfortunate take on the Art10/State aid issue. It is obvious that that issue isn’t one that generates resentment in NI: because the core problem with it is its unpredictable and potentially serious application to GB.
Moreover, it’s an area where subsequent developments have made the protection to the EU that it offers largely unnecessary (and to the extent it’s still necessary it could much better be resolved in other ways).
Treaties are to be complied with and promises to be kept: but there’s nothing wrong, if your promise now seems over the top in the light of what has since happened, in trying to get the promisee to agree to release you from it (or tweak it).
Read 6 tweets

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