Dr. Jeffrey Lewis Profile picture
Sep 17, 2021 9 tweets 4 min read Read on X
I've noticed that some people are expressing skepticism that the DPRK could have acquired or developed a 1,500 km-range land-attack cruise missile. TL/DR: It's not 1978 any more.
A short thread.
Starting in 2014, North Korea showed ship-based copies of Russia's Kh-35 cruise missile. In 2017, North Korea test-fired a land-based variant of the Kh-35, called the Kumsong-3.
The Kh-35, also known as the Kharpunski, is a fairly capable 130 km-range cruise missile developed by the Soviet Union in the 1980s. It used the R-95-300 turbofan engine. (The engine produces 300-400 kgf of thrust and weighs 95 kg).
Here's the thing. This same engine was used on the much more capable Kh-55 (AS-15 Kent), which has a range ~2,500 km. The Kh-55 is just bigger and carries more fuel -- its like two or three times heavier than the Kh-35.
This technology was developed by the Soviet Union during the 1980s. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, these things were around. An entity in Ukraine exported 12 Kh-55s to Iran and China.
armscontrol.org/act/2005-05/uk…
China and Iran both subsequently developed long-range cruise missiles that are probably derived, at least in part, from the Kh-55. These include China's CJ-10 and Iran's Hoveyzeh.
The R-95-300 engine was manufactured by Motor Sich, in what is now Ukraine. Motor Sich lost its contracts with the Russian Ministry of Defense, but it will sell you a modern version of the same engine (similar thrust and size) under a new name.
A Chinese company tried to take a controlling stake in Motor Sich last year, which triggered alarms in Washington. Ukraine nationalized the firm under pressure from the US.
wsj.com/articles/ukrai…
All of which is to say that this technology is out there. With the Kh-35, North Korea demonstrated access to the necessary technology and could have received assistance from any number of entities in countries like China, Iran, Russia or Ukraine.

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More from @ArmsControlWonk

May 22
Russia conducted an exercise in which it practiced starting a nuclear war. A short thread.
iz.ru/1699925/2024-0…
We get to see a convoy of Iskander vehicles -- a very rare security vehicle, some transloaders, some containerized missiles (ballistic and cruise) and some support vehicles. Image
We also get to see what seems to be a warhead convoy, although we don't have great reference imagery. Still, we see a different, also very rare security vehicle and some mundane looking trucks, which isn't much but its what we'd expect for the 12 GUMO.
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Read 7 tweets
Apr 14
After the US transmogrified Qasem Soleimani into his final form as a a parade float, Iran conducted a big missile strike against a US airbase in Iraq. Miraculously, no one else died.Did a whole pod ep on it.

Some implications for this morning. Season 2, Episode 5: The Worst Case Scenario (Almost)
middlebury.edu/deal-podcast
Iran was prepared for a significant escalatory response by the US -- so much so that a jumpy Tor SAM crew shot down a civilian airliner (PS752) taking off from Tehran International Airport, killing all 176 people on board.
cnn.com/2023/04/17/mid…
The US minimized the impact of the strike -- correctly stating that no one was killed in strike and incorrectly claiming that no significant injuries (Traumatic brain injuries are not "headaches".) However, by not responding, the situation was allowed to deescalate.
washingtonpost.com/national-secur…
Read 5 tweets
Apr 13
A quick summary on Iran's drones, cruise missiles and ballistic missiles that can reach Israel. Reminder, Iran is about 2000 km from Israel. Image
“Drones” usually means the Shahed-family of loitering munitions, like the -131/136 models that Iran exports to Russia. They are long-range, but only carry about 20 kg of explosives. (Not that I would want 20 kg of explosive dropped on my office, mind you.)
dia.mil/Portals/110/Do…
IDF officials have said the attack “also includes cruise missiles and not just drones." While there isn’t a clear dividing line between the two, that likely means Iran is also firing what I'd call land-attack cruise missiles which can have a 1000 kg payload.
Read 7 tweets
Mar 3
This is some amazing reporting, but I am unpersuaded by the framing. Russia's nuclear doctrine as described sounds exactly what official documents say it is. A short thread.
ft.com/content/f18e6e…
In 2020, Putin signed a decree titled “Foundations of State Policy of the Russian Federation in the Area of Nuclear Deterrence.” @AnyaFink translated it for CNA at the time. So, we can compare the @FT story with it.
apps.dtic.mil/sti/pdfs/AD115…
The story doesn't contain the documents nor does it quote them at length. So, we get a lot of vibes rather than block quotes. Still, compare these ¶s with the official policy of the Russian Federation. They seem substantially the same to me.
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Read 17 tweets
Jan 5
The case for the Russian missile that struck Kharkiv on January 2 being a North Koran Hwasong-11 variant is a very, very strong. A short thread building on the work of the #OSINTatMIIS team, especially the amazing @DuitsmanMS.
politico.com/news/2024/01/0…
A point of clarification. North Korea manufactures several variants of the Hwasong-11 including the Hwasong-11A (US designation: KN-23) and the Hwasong-11B (KN-24). We're still not sure which variant was used in the attack on Kharkiv. I made a chart to help you out.
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Based on the description of the graphic that the USG handed out, which mentioned both the KN-23 and KN-24, it seems the USG isn't certain either. TBH, the variants look very similar when shiny and new. What's left of the missile at the end of the ride is pretty well-done.
reuters.com/world/europe/r…Image
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Read 11 tweets
Nov 12, 2023
The use of "ban" implies some sort of legal agreement. Biden can't manifest treaties in meetings with foreign leaders. We're more likely to get something akin to the 1998 US-PRC nuclear non-targeting agreement -- nice, aspirational and useless.
clintonwhitehouse4.archives.gov/WH/New/China/1…
Given how the US defines "autonomy" and "artificial intelligence" -- broadly -- a ban would capture many capabilities already widely deployed. As a result, the USG tends to emphasize principles for the "responsible" use of AI, not bans.
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Read 10 tweets

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