Not going to directly reference the latest commemoration controversy but rather the underlying issues that are frequently sidelined in these cyclical discussions.
Firstly, commemoration is always a political act. What event, who organizes, attends, how it’s framed. Political.
Second, to mark an event worthy of commemoration it must have some contemporary relevance.
Commemoration is never just about remembering what happened in the past; it always interplays with the politics of the present.
Third, the selections that make up the commemoration direct how it is to be understood - solemn, celebratory, sustaining, contradicting - those choices frame the event. They indicate how the intended audience is to receive it. Agreement to be involved is also tacit acceptance.
Fourth, no two commemorations are the same. They are individually shaped not just by the factors in the control of the organizers but also outside their control including timing and external reception. Individual decisions have to be made on their appropriateness.
Fifth, all commemorative events assume narrative hospitality - by inviting attendance you are presuming that the invitee buys into your framing and representation of the event being commemorated. This by necessity places an implicit burden on the invitee to assent to it.
Sixth, In all commemorative events political aspects can be found but they are especially notable in places where the past is still loaded and unresolved. In such events the burdens are even more notable when taking into account the symbolic importance of the organizers/invitees.
Moving on to the wider issues of what commemoration does; it can have personal resonances but in marking an event worthy of memory it implicitly sustains its. In doing this with contested events - ie partition - it has very limited possibilities to act as ‘reconciliation’.
With contested histories we are usually lacking in shared narratives, experiences or memories across society so by their very nature marking them - no matter how neutral it is claimed - they do not assist in reconciling those divisions.
In NI we have very little in the way of agreed timelines, ideas of how history involves cause and effect, or even a sense of narrative. Effectively there is no shared history - be that in scholarly literature or popular understandings - so it cannot be commemorated as shared.
Without that bedrock of having an understanding that the past has multiple interpretations and legacies, that not everyone agrees on what happened and it’s repercussions, marking selective events cannot be a reconciliatory act. Claiming that they are does not make it true.
So tying back to my initial point - faux outrage that declining to attend commemorations of contested events - that claim by their very existence they are reconciling - is not the problem. The problem is claiming that commemoration = reconciliation, when often it is the opposite.
Many of us study commemoration and the politics of the past. We have analyzed such events over many years. The denial of the political, claims of ‘reconciliation’ in the name of ‘shared histories’ w’out critical reflection are problematic. Also see @jevershed01@PoliScIrish
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Still processing the powerful presentation and panel discussion with Jason de León - whose work on migrant deaths at the US-México border is just wow. Thinking about how we know what we know about the past (and present) and the role of research in presenting official absences.
De León’s work provides tangible evidence of the known consequences of border policies that push migrants into taking ever more dangerous routes to cross the desert: deaths. His exhibition #HostileTerrain94 involves putting names and death details to every recorded death.
During the talk Jason acknowledged that the official figures we have for deaths are undoubtedly much lower than the reality because the authorities have no real interest in finding bodies and often bodies don’t long survive very long in the unforgiving Sonora desert.
Subtweet: the scholarly study of the past is not the same thing as the public memory of the past. Choosing to commemorate the past is always about selection and it is always political. Nothing is neutral (especially when it is claimed it is).
Subtweet 2: you can care about what commemoration, memorialisation, the past, heritage and museums means - and how they are used - and also care about contemporary healthcare, political structures, homelessness and any other social issue. It doesn’t have to be one or other.
In our current situation - Tories in WM manufacturing culture wars to maintain their Brexit nostalgic and marginalize minorities; going through various important centenaries as NI figures out its place within these islands - it’s pretty important to keep an eye on everything.
I find this fascinating - in the long line of commemoration masquerading as neutral, apolitical and ‘reconciliation’ this may be the most bizarre. A cross-denominational church service in Armagh (whose cathedral?) with the British Queen in attendance. rte.ie/news/ireland/2…
The service is to ‘mark the centenaries of the partition of Ireland and the formation of Northern Ireland’, even the strangled wording is so tortured. Wouldn’t it be much easier to accept that commemorating partition is not a neutral act?
I mean, if you want to mark the ‘formation of Northern Ireland’ with the Queen then that’s fine, but just because this act is described as ‘building community and deepening relationships’ doesn’t mean it’s actually doing it 🤷♀️
Northern Ireland is a complicated place with a difficult history that has been caught in cycles of violence for what feels like forever. The reasons for it are never one-dimensional and they’re never just about external factors or high level politics.
Throughout my life it’s always followed a pattern: tensions rising, politicians trying to stoke those tensions to maintain their power, sparking point and a release in the form of disruption on the streets. Finally, belated and often cackhanded condemnations by said pol.
It’s against a backdrop of an unfolding Brexit - that was never going to give what the DUP / British govt promised - enduring paramilitary activities, the spark point of an IRA funeral, poor political l’ship, pandemic exhaustion ... It wasn’t inevitable but it was clearly set up.
Sometimes I wonder how many historians have really clear understandings of how archives work. How much the papers and ledgers (microfiche and scans) they access are shaped, wedded and refined by the institutions that created them, used them and finally archives them?
Most historians know archives are not neutral repositories of the past. They know about the huge scandals - of colonial archives burnt and hidden by the British - but do they know how much the humdrum holdings of archives are also hugely selected? theguardian.com/uk-news/2013/n…
Most government archives hold only a tiny fraction of the files ever created - probably not even 5% for large archives like TNA; maybe a little more for somewhere like PRONI - and that selection used to take place at various points in time (5/20 years) and now is more automated.
Where do you even start with such a disingenuous article? Its twisting logic, half truths and factual inaccuracies?
All Europe has a racism problem. Colonialism was lead by some countries, more benefited and its logics have permeated the continent spectator.co.uk/article/tony-s…
Many imperial countries are the most multicultural- and for the longest period - for obvious reasons of having long-term ‘connections’ across the Globe but also due to push-pull factors. The UK retained colonies and ‘invited’ many subjects to rebuild the country esp post-war.
The indignities and explicit racism that many of the eg Windrush generation experienced in the UK is well documented and continues through to today in various forms but often more subtle and structural, not simply the explicit ‘No Blacks, No Dogs, No Irish’ kind.