reposting as an OP: Nitzan and Bichler 2009 present a foundational problems with the Marxian labor theory of value:
the metric of labor (socially necessary (SN) abstract (A) labor-time (LT), or SNALT) cannot be directly observed; we can only observe actual, concrete labor-time:
The first conversion of "actual" to "socially necessary" is more feasible.
If competition forces most capitalists to produce efficiently (use no more labor-time than socially necessary), then average actual LT may be close to socially necessary LT.
Shaikh, Cockshott argue this.
The second conversion of "concrete" to "abstract" is much less feasible.
Concrete labor, observable labor-- cutting a log, hammering a nail -- is heterogenous. It is done by different people, in different places, with different skills and education, in different ways, etc.
In contrast, abstract labor must be homogenous because you have to be able to add it up. You can't add up "cutting a log" and "hammering a nail" because they have different units. Instead, they must have a common unit.
This runs into a simple problem: It is obvious that different labor adds different amounts of value. But it is not obvious how much value different labor adds.
One cannot simply look at an object before and after production and see how much value was added.
In empirical work, Marxians generally resolve this by asserting that the average value added by concrete labor-time (which we cannot observe) is proportional to the average wage rate of that concrete labor-time (which we can).
This does allow conversion of concrete labor to abstract labor: We can add wages.
But this approach is circular: We would only assume that competition forces capitalists to pay wages proportional to value added by labor if the LTV is correct.
To avoid this circularity, other Marxians simply use the raw # of labor-hours. (Either directly measured, as in Sweden, or dividing total wages by average wages.)
Again, this allows conversion from concrete to abstract.
And again, this is the approach of Shaikh, Cockshott.
But this removes us twice from directly measuring value-as-SNALT:
- We assume average concrete labor-hours equals (or is proportional to) socially necessary abstract labor-hours
- We assume all labor-hours create equal value (or, equal on average for each unit under comparison)
We might better call this the "equal-hour market-average concrete labor-time (EH MA C LT) theory of value" than the "skilled-multiple socially-necessary abstract labor-time" (SM SN A LT) that Marx seemed to support.
In short: B&N correctly suggest that we cannot directly measure SNALT. Instead, Marxians must proxy SM-SN-A-LT with EH-MA-C-LT.
(B&N provide two more critiques about observing productive vs unproductive labor and about transforming values to production prices to market prices.)
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Political terrorism is a deeply ineffective strategy with a high human cost.
Abrahms 2006: in a dataset of 42 terrorist groups, terrorism was rarely successful (7%, 3/42) or partly successful (17%, 7/42); it is more successful against military targets than civilian and with limited goals than maximalist or other goals: mitpressjournals.org/doi/abs/10.116…
Fortna 2015: relative to civil wars led by nonterrorist rebel groups, terrorist rebel groups were 15x less likely to achieve victory and 2x less likely to reach an agreement with the government: cambridge.org/core/journals/…
my takeaway is that most forms of persuasion are effective.
please gimme more neat/strong studies or contrary studies if you know of them!
watching news changes beliefs
Martin & Yurukoglu 2017: data from channel number randomization suggests that Fox News shifts voting patterns rightward: Without Fox News, .46% fewer people would've voted Republican in 2000, 3.59% in 2004, and 6.35% in 2008:
long talks change beliefs
Broockman 2016: deep canvassing (a ~10 minute convo encouraging person to consider a trans person's perspective) increased tolerance of trans people and support for a gender nondiscrimination law; effects persisted after 3 months nytimes.com/2016/04/10/mag…
Hoping to put out a blogpost on the "point" of socialist theory soon, as a starting point for a theory series. I hold that all socialist theory writing attempts either to answers (some of) these questions or rejects (some of) these questions:
1: Justification: Why is socialism preferable to capitalism?
2: Transition: How do we get from capitalism to socialism?
3: Institutions: What social-political structures / relationships (or lack thereof) should organize economic, political, and social activity in socialism?
These are large topics, and I think they cover virtually all "socialist theory" writing. Does any theory you've read seem to fall outside these three?
I vibe with Rosen 2000's suggestion that Marx rejected contemporary, doctrinal morality (➡why he wrote of materialism "shattering" morality) but accepted moral values (➡why he wrote of capitalist "embezzlement" and communism enabling human flourishing): scholar.harvard.edu/michaelrosen/p…
interesting suggestion from Wolff and Leopold 2021: Marx goes beyond "theoretical necessity" in critiquing morality (and refusing to use it as a justifier) in order to distinguish himself from contemporary reformist socialists and bourgeois do-gooders: plato.stanford.edu/entries/marx/
linking the two ideas is Cohen 1983: Marx clearly implies a non-relativistic justice in his frequent use of "robbery" to describe capitalization, and elsewhere suggests relativistic justice is moonshine: Then, Marx clearly thinks that capitalist exploitation is unjust:
here's how tankie twitter is spending their moment in the sun:
- simping for Stalin
- saying true socialists have to be Stalinists
- denying Stalin's (now extremely well-documented) mass killings as capitalist propaganda
while we're here: Stalin killed millions, according to the USSR's security services' own documents: