Polanyi and Kindleberger both describe economic relations between the European powers in the late 19th century and early 20th century as marked by "Laissez-faire" policies.
As Polanyi writes (and Ruggie quotes), "Laissez-faire was planned"
In other words, governments essentially said, "let the market figure it out".
Governments essentially embraced of the "invisible hand" line by Adam Smith, and they applied it within and between economies (i.e. free trade and little regulation). amazon.com/Wealth-Nations…
In theory, this policy should result in highly efficient economic outcomes, as predicted by a rarified-version economic theory
Following World War I, governments staying "hands off" of economic affairs was no longer politically viable.
This was because war-time production transformed the relationship between government and labor...
...between government and previously disenfranchised groups...
...and had even sparked revolutions.
But this led government policies to swing fully in the other direction: high intervention and control of markets, both domestically and internationally.
In other words, governments became "embedded" in the economy.
Such policies can be economically misguided, even if politically sensible (see Smoot-Hawley).
They can also lead to "inefficiencies", or at the extreme...
...global depression (as famously captured by the "death spiral" of global trade during the late 1920s and early 1930s)
Near the end of World War II (1944, the same year Polanyi published), the allied powers gathered in Bretton Woods, New Hampshire...
...in an attempt to say "what was done before didn't work. What can be done differently?"
As FDR put it at the opening session of the conference 👇
The "compromise" sought to have the best of both worlds: as much free trade and open financial movements as possible, while still making it possible for governments, when needed & desired, to intervene in their economies.
In a key passage from the paper, Ruggie writes
How was this achieved?
On the financial side, this meant allowing "capital controls" -- essentially policies that do not allow (or limit) money from leaving an economy (e.g. charging a really high tax on exchanging currency).
On the trade side, this meant being highly selective in which tariffs were reduced and for which industries.
Negotiating such reductions is a key feature of the "rounds" of GATT (and now the @wto)
But this means some industries are rarely touched, like agriculture
How well did the compromise work?
Well, it sorta did...for awhile. See, for example, 👇
In sum, Ruggie's 1982 paper is a foundational reading in IPE (and international relations as a whole) for a host of reasons: its connection to "classic works"; its summary & treatment of history, and because the ideas it introduced shaped subsequent debates.
[END]
P.S. And don't forget its great opening paragraph
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Which of these two men is most responsible for World War II?
Short answer: not Churchill
Long answer: [THREAD]
To be clear, in this thread I am dealing with the onset of the war in Europe. The War in Asia was just as important and obviously connected to Europe. But that is for another thread. For now, I do highly recommend Paine's book "The Wars for Asia"
Solving the "Europe Problem" has vexed US foreign policy since the beginning.
[THREAD]
As I wrote last week, a key trait of US "grand strategy" since the founding of the Republic was "Go West" either by expanding US territory west or seeking to maintain trade with China.
Since the founding of the republic, US foreign policy has been about one thing:
Go west (and don't let Europe get in the way).
[THREAD]
I'll write more about "don't let Europe get in the way" in another 🧵. This one will focus on the "Go west" part (which will also touch on the Europe part).
One could go so far as to argue that the Republic itself was founded because of a desire to go west. Specifically, the colonials were forbidden to go west of the 1763 Proclamation line.
When you hear "Liberal International Order", just think "the G-7, for better and for worse"
[THREAD]
While some scholars and policy makers like to speak of the "Liberal International Order" as the collection of post-World War II international institutions.... cambridge.org/core/journals/…
...the phrase itself is much more recent in origins, largely a product of the mid-1990s.
As I wrote in my latest for @WPReview, shifting patterns in population growth will inevitably influence international politics. worldpoliticsreview.com/global-demogra…
This isn't a new idea. It's one found in classic works on change in world politics.