The reactions to Starmer's conference speech were predictable, on both the left & right, as were the heckles & the (media) reactions to the heckles. What is noticeable is that there was a distinct lack of zingers all round. The speech isn't going to be remembered.
The narrative of "closing the door on Corbynism" had already been established by the rulebook changes, while Starmer still has little of substance to say on policy (the promise that it will come nearer the election is made by the same people who criticised this approach in 2019).
Most of the announcements were either non-contentious (no party seriously thinks we shouldn't spend on the climate crisis) or retreads of past (mostly New Labour) ideas. There was generally a lack of novelty, hence the old rhetoric: tough on crime, the education mantra etc.
Leaving aside the guff about more police (a tad insensitive given the Everard news), or the attempt to raise a cheer for patriotism (a very meta move, showing Starmer isn't an instinctive patriot) - both simply tributes to the press - what stood out was the emphasis on work.
But this isn't work as the right to a decent wage, or as the route to social justice. Rather he envisages it in terms of individual identity & pride. This intrinsic valuation of work substitutes for labour as a social force, leaving capitalism alone as the motor of society.
Starmer's emphasis on his father, and the repeated use of "tool" as a metonym of his own worldview, occludes social relations in favour of the skilled worker's identification with the tools of his trade. In this example, it teeters on full-blown fetishisation of the commodity.
Labour has historically tried to balance labour (or society) & capital. Wilson's "white heat" was about ending "outdated methods on either side of industry", while Mandelson's "intensely relaxed about people getting filthy rich" was balanced by "as long as they pay their taxes".
Starmer represents a departure from this (or perhaps a more blunt admission of the New Labour project, if you prefer). He proposes an alliance of capital & the state, with the latter's role focused more on producing a compliant, dutiful workforce than on restraining the former.

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More from @fromarsetoelbow

28 Sep
In the 70s, NASA embarked on a public relations exercise to convince Congress that the space race produced lots of spinoffs, so was worth the colossal investment. This was amplified by urban myths - e.g. Teflon & Velcro were both popularly claimed as spinoffs but weren't.
Most of the actual spinoffs were to do with satellite technology, and most of those were essentially developed in the early stages of the space race. The moon landings themselves produced little.
Any large-scale, hi-tech project is likely to produce spinoffs. A project that focuses on novel challenges (e.g. a green energy transformation) is likely to produce more than one that goes over old ground.
Read 4 tweets
12 Sep
You can't tax private schools out of existence. Removing charitable status & levying VAT would have only marginal effects (other avoidance would arise anyway). Anything more (e.g. a supertax) would risk being punitive & so politically counter-productive (creating martyrs etc).
The most effective strategy would be to remove the incentive for the rich to spend on private education (while increasing their taxes more generally). As most want their kids to go to uni, this could be done by allocating Russell Group places pro-rata per school 6th form.
Eton would get the same number of places proportionately as a Cardiff comprehensive. It would then be in the interests of the rich to spread out over all schools. This won't mean relocating from Chelsea to Cardiff, but sending your kids to an inner-London state school.
Read 5 tweets
10 Sep
Freedland really is hopeless at this. "He was twice elected mayor in Labour-dominated London thanks in part to a range of red accessories". No, he won narrowly because he had massive media backing & made liberal (not "red") gestures.
theguardian.com/commentisfree/…
Not only did the below tactic fail to work for the Tories, it directly contradicts the preceding para: "If anything, lots of voters seem to like Johnson’s lack of doctrinal purity: again, it’s part of his persona, suggesting a loose pragmatism that many find appealing".
The reason the Torygraph can berate Johnson is because they know there is no alternative on the right & Labour have pretty much given up hope of winning the next election, hence the latter's unpreparedness & surprise ...
Read 5 tweets
8 Sep
The obvious problem with triangulation is that you can easily be played by your opponent, as has happened now with both the nurses' pay rise & social care. The media are complicit in this (here's Rentoul) with their "Ah well, nevertheless". Image
Regardless of what you think of his politics, or even the lack of vision & strategy in articulating them, it should be obvious that Starmer remains a political neophyte & a remarkably slow learner.
Was it ever credible that Johnson wouldn't break a manifesto commitment? Consider his time as London Mayor or his opposition to Heathrow expansion.
channel4.com/news/factcheck…
Read 5 tweets
4 Sep
The hunt for guaranteed returns means that the rich will always favour debt (owed by governments or workers) over speculative investment. It's a rational calculation of relative risk.
The great era of capitalist speculation, from the 17th century to 1914, was the result of small states & limited credit (i.e. few alternatives). The growth of the welfare state & the societal expansion of credit in the 20th century led to a gradual change in sentiment.
The result was a decline in manufacturing (risky over the long term & prone to low profit margins), the growth of property as an asset (both speculative, i.e. as development, & as a security for greater debt), & the hyper-speculation of derivatives.
Read 4 tweets
1 Sep
Labour has historically been pulled between two poles: representing the interests of workers & managing workers in the interests of capital. Behind predistribution, the antisemitism flap & nationalised sausages nonsense, this has been the underlying dynamic since 2010.
Miliband wanted a little bit less managing & a little bit more representing & was consistently undermined for it. Corbyn was a hard shift towards representing, which was why he was anathematised. Starmer is a hard shift to managing.
Inevitably, this puts the party into an antagonistic position with the unions, which is why I thought the claims that the leadership was happy with Graham's promised hands-off approach at Unite were nonsense. You're either for or against organised labour: you can't be neutral.
Read 4 tweets

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