“…it’s critical not to respond with the kinds of policies that gave us mass incarceration and are helping to perpetuate it — in particular, the aggressive use of decades-long, mandatory prison sentences for “violent” crimes.” t.co/kTJ2R4t9Hf
“There are three things wrong with these “brute force” responses to violent crime.  The first is that they impose massive harm for negligible benefit. There’s no evidence that draconian sentences have done much to reduce violence in the United States.”
“Decades of research have failed to show any beneficial effect of our long prison sentences on public safety. What is certain is that they destroy lives, tear apart families, hollow out communities, and wreck state budgets.”
“The second problem, which exacerbates the first, is that “violence” is a morally freighted term without clear boundaries. Calling a crime “violent” is a way of placing it beyond the pale, outside the proper sphere of mercy, redemption, or understanding.”
“Our laws increasingly assume that the roots of violence are in the hearts and minds of offenders, not in the situations in which they find themselves. We tend to neglect the powerful social drivers of violence: from poverty and racism to the wide availability of guns in the (US)
“Fortunately, there is growing evidence that gun homicides between non-intimates — the kind of killings that have risen sharply over the past year and a half — 👇🏻
👆🏻— can be reduced dramatically by violence reduction programs concentrated on the relatively small number of people, places, and social interactions responsible for most of the street violence in a given city.”
“None of this is easy. Simpler and emotionally cathartic responses, like longer prison sentences for people convicted of violent crimes, have an obvious allure.”
“But we have been down that road before. It leads nowhere good. Violence is a hard problem, and it cannot be ignored or simply wished away. But even the most pressing of crises can be made worse.”

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More from @MaryMoriarty

3 Oct
Conversations about traffic stops are important to have but we should rely on data and not anecdotes or fear. In Mpls, police made found guns in less than half of one percent of the searches they did after pulling Black drivers over for moving or equipment violations.
I would like to understand how Ramsey County’s policy is a disservice to victims (a claim from the story). Police can still pull over a car if they suspect the driver of committing a crime or having a warrant. Nothing in the policy prevents that.
Do these police departments have data about their stops? How many they make? How often they search? What they find? The race of the drivers? It’s impossible to evaluate the effectiveness of a department’s practices without data.
Read 7 tweets
10 Sep
“If we are to achieve our goals of saving lives, of ending mass incarceration, and uprooting systemic inequities behind racial, economic and other disparities, we must implement 21st century drug strategies.”filtermag.org/weaponizing-mi…
“Researchers, reformers, politicians and law enforcement professionals in the United States and across the globe have recognized we can no longer rely on our long-established system of criminalization and urging people to abstain from drug use.”
“For a start, there have been zero overdose deaths recorded in around 120 safe consumption sites (SCS) operating across the world, where naloxone and trained staff are always on hand.”
Read 5 tweets
9 Jul
After George Floyd’s murder, city officials promised to reduce racial disparities in police use of force. At first glance, data taken from the city’s web site appears to show that happened. 
Before George Floyd, when MPD used force, 60% of the time it 👇🏻kare11.com/mobile/article…
☝🏻 …was used against black people. Since then, it has dropped to about 52%. That’s an improvement – although still a significant disparity in a city that's only about 20% Black. When KARE 11 took a deeper look at the numbers, however, we discovered something unusual.
When police officers fill out required “Use of Force” forms, they are increasingly listing race as “Unknown” – or simply failing to record it.
Read 5 tweets
8 Jul
This letter is historic. People have asked me why I think this letter is so important. To my knowledge, it is the very first time a prosecutor has publicly asked a judge to correct inaccurate and damaging conclusions about Black trauma and the perception of Black youth. 👇🏻
It is even more significant that the prosecutor wrote this letter not to get something in return, such as a higher sentence, but simply because it is the right thing to do. It is critically important to educate the public about trauma and stereotypes of Black youth.
After working in the criminal system for 31 years, I know that very few people working in the system understand trauma. I can also tell you that most people who interact with the system - witnesses, victims, and the accused - struggle with unaddressed trauma.
Read 4 tweets
8 Jul
Tuesday morning's pursuit "fit the criteria," Elder said Tuesday afternoon, but has since been referring further questions about the collision to the State Patrol. "We are limiting what we can chase for, but these were obvious felonies."

Left out 👇🏻
startribune.com/deadly-chase-p…
Elder talks about the pursuit criteria. What does he leave out?

“police…must terminate a pursuit in progress if it "poses an unreasonable risk to the officers, the public or passengers of the vehicle being pursued who may be unwilling participants."
The police must constantly reassess the circumstances to determine whether it has become an unreasonable risk to the public. So, the initial pursuit criteria are just the first step.

The initial criteria were changed several years ago, which is good, but 👇🏻
Read 4 tweets
8 Jul
Discounting the trauma of the children who testified at trial — in an authoritative judicial opinion, no less — will only exacerbate the trauma they have suffered,” Ellison wrote…
washingtonpost.com/nation/2021/07…
What he wrote seems to be an indication that he has a real misunderstanding of what trauma is because it’s so contrary to what experts tell us,” said Mary Moriarty, former Hennepin County chief public defender.
She called Ellison’s letter “powerful” because it wasn’t seeking to extend Chauvin’s sentence but rather force the judicial system to confront and correct inherent biases, especially about Black trauma, which “is not something people in the system understand very well.”
Read 4 tweets

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