The country was hours away from a full-blown constitutional crisis — not primarily because of the violence and mayhem inflicted by hundreds of President Donald Trump’s supporters but because of the actions of Mr. Trump himself.
In the days before the mob descended on the Capitol, a corollary attack was playing out down the street in the White House, where Trump, Pence & a lawyer named Eastman huddled in the Oval Office, scheming to subvert the will of the American people by using legal sleight-of-hand.
Mr. Eastman’s unusual visit was to discuss his proposed six-point plan. It involved Mr. Pence rejecting dozens of already certified electoral votes representing tens of millions of legally cast ballots, thus allowing Congress to install Mr. Trump in a second term.
Pence ultimately refused to sign on, earning him the rage of Trump & chants of “Hang Mike Pence!” by the rioters, who erected a makeshift gallows on the National Mall. The fact that the scheme to overturn the election was highly unlikely to succeed is cold comfort.
All Americans who care about preserving this Republic have a clear task: Reform the federal election law at the heart of Mr. Eastman’s twisted ploy, and make it as hard as possible for anyone to pull a stunt like that again.
The Electoral Count Act, which passed over 130 years ago, was Congress’s response to another dramatic presidential dispute:the election of 1876, in which the Republican Rutherford Hayes won the White House despite losing the popular vote to his Democratic opponent, Samuel Tilden.
After Election Day, Tilden led in the popular vote & in the Electoral College. But the vote in South Carolina, Florida & Louisiana was marred by accusations of fraud and intimidation. Officials in each state certified competing slates of electors.
The Constitution said nothing about what to do in such a situation, so Congress established a 15-member commission to decide which electors to accept as valid.
It was obvious that Congress needed clearer guidelines for deciding disputed electoral votes. In 1887, the Electoral Count Act became law, setting out procedures for the counting and certifying of electoral votes in the states and in Congress.
But the law allows any objection to a state’s electoral votes to be filed as long as one senator and one member of the House put their names to it, triggering hours of debate — which is how senators like Ted Cruz and Josh Hawley were able to gum up the works on Jan. 6.
A small minority of scholars argue parts of the law are unconstitutional, which was the basis of Eastman’s claim that Pence could disregard the law & reject electors of certain key battleground states.Nothing in the Constitution or law gives the vice president this authority.
The job of the vice president is to open the envelopes &read out the results, nothing more. Any reform to the Electoral Count Act should start there, by making it explicit that the vice president’s role is ministerial & doesn’t include the power to rule on disputes over electors.
The threats to a free and fair presidential election don’t come from Congress alone. Since Jan. 6, Republican-led state legislatures have been clambering over one another to pass new laws making it easier to reject their own voters’ will.
Democrats should push through reforms & eliminate the filibuster if that’s the only way. They should recall that a majority of the Republican caucus in the House (139) & 8 senators, continued to object to the certification of votes even after the mob stormed the Capitol.
Mr. Trump may never stop trying to undermine American democracy. Those who value that democracy should never stop using every measure at their disposal to protect it.
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The atmosphere has grown so contentious, Raffensperger said, that both he and his wife, Tricia, have received death threats in recent days, including a text to him that read, “You better not botch this recount. Your life depends on it.”
“Other than getting you angry, it’s also very disillusioning, particularly when it comes from people on my side of the aisle. Everyone that is working on this needs to elevate their speech. We need to be thoughtful and careful about what we say.”
🚨 The normally mild-mannered Raffensperger saved his harshest language for U.S. Rep. Doug Collins (R-Ga.), who is leading the president’s effort to prove fraud in Georgia and whom Raffensperger called a “liar” and a “charlatan.”
Biden’s life as father has been shaped by loss. His daughter Naomi died as an infant in the car crash that killed his wife. His son Beau died of brain cancer at 46. Beau, the golden boy, easy to love — who “had all the best of me, but with the bugs & flaws engineered out.”.
After Beau’s death, Joe decided not to run for president. Hunter holed up in his apartment and drank vodka. Then, one day, Hunter told the New Yorker, his dad showed up at the door and said: “I need you. What do we have to do?”
The Party of Lincoln had a good run. Then came Mr. Trump.
Mr. Trump accelerated his party’s demise, exposing the rot that has been eating at its core for decades, leaving it a hollowed-out shell devoid of ideas, values or integrity, committed solely to preserving power even at the expense of democratic norms, institutions & ideals.
Donald Trump’s re-election campaign poses the greatest threat to American democracy since World War II.
Mr. Trump’s ruinous tenure already has gravely damaged the United States at home and around the world. He has abused the power of his office and denied the legitimacy of his political opponents, shattering the norms that have bound the nation together for generations.
On the afternoon of Feb. 24, Trump Tweeted the coronavirus was “very much under control,” one of numerous rosy statements he and advisers made at the time about the worsening epidemic. He even added an observation for investors: “Stock market starting to look very good to me!”
But hours earlier senior members of his economic team privately addressed board members of the Hoover Institution & were less confident. A senior economic adviser told the group he could not estimate the effects of the virus on the economy, implying an outbreak could prove worse.