A study that would be interesting is to see what was the composition of Reconstruction white supremacist terrorist groups in terms of Confederate veterans (and non-veterans).
There's all this talk that we should honor Confederate veterans because they fought for what they believed in.
But we might find out more about what they believed in (and what they fought for) by looking at these groups more carefully.
I always hear a lot about Nathan Bedford Forrest, for example, but he comes off in the books as a not particularly nice guy whose claims to military genius have to be carefully qualified.
But when I learned that John B. Gordon, often honored in the literature as a warrior, was quite the terrorist leader himself in Georgia after the war, it served as a reminder that much of what Civil War memory is about includes what we choose to forget.
I knew that Gordon told Grant during Grant's 1865 southern tour that US black troops on occupation were an affront to southern (white) honor.
I reconsidered the stories about Gordon as a man of honor concerning the treatment of wounded Francis C. Barlow at Gettysburg.
Of course Barlow also gave up on Reconstruction, as his report about events in Florida during the aftermath of the 1876 disputed election suggests.
So Gordon and Barlow had much in common after all.
But Georgia politics during Reconstruction was fundamentally shaped by white supremacist terrorism from the beginning, and Gordon played a role in that.
A large one.
But you won't read about that when you visit Barlow's Knoll at Gettysburg.
As for me, I can never see Gordon the same way. I once bought the image of Gordon as a terrific commander, even if I knew his recollections tended to cast him in a rather self-admiring light.
Never again.
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One has to appreciate the game @SenatorSinema is playing and what's at stake in order to evaluate it.
Because it's a risky game. The future of her career depends on it.
The game will help determine the fate of Democratic initiatives and electoral fortunes.
Whether @kyrstensinema fully appreciates the long game and how Democratic fortunes at large, in Arizona, and her own career are intertwined is another issue altogether.
That's what makes the game she's playing most curious.
Her saving grace: Arizona Republicans.
Sinema's position on the filibuster is a bluntly political one that has nothing to do with the virtues of bipartisanship.
1. She wants reelection (2024). Arizona's competitive. 2. Supporting the filibuster makes her important. She leverages her position.
Debates over whether Robert E. Lee was a great strategist or a successful strategist blur the lines between strategy, the operational art, and the battlefield proper.
Lee's challenge was to covert his success on the battlefield in Virginia from June 1862 to May 1863 to lasting Confederate advantage.
That record was mixed.
In the Seven Days against McClellan Lee relieved the immediate threat against Richmond, but it was the US high command's decision to shift McClellan from the James River to northern Virginia that had more lasting consequences.
You say you love Robert E. Lee because he "stood up" for what he believed in and was loyal to his home.
Do you love the terrorists of 9-11? Do you love the Nazis? Because they "stood up" for what they believed in and they were loyal to their home.
So what's the difference? None, given your formulation of the issue.
After all, all three made war against the United States: Lee was responsible for fighting battles that killed US military personnel. Do you celebrate that? Do you honor that?
So, to answer my own question posed yesterday: Robert E. Lee had more impact on the outcome of the American Civil War than did any other Confederate military leader.
I'm sure you're wondering why I think that.
1. Lee's overlooked work on the South Atlantic coastal defenses brought to a halt already hesitant US efforts to exploit the landings of November 1861. Imagine the implications of a more active front along the coast into the interior.
2. Lee's support of Stonewall Jackson's Valley campaign in 1862 proved a sufficient deterrent to US efforts to unite on Richmond. Lee got Jackson to live rent-free in Yankee heads.
So many answers to my query yesterday were Gettysburg-centric that it is worth reminding people that the notion that Gettysburg was the turning point of the war is a romantic exercise and reflects interesting assumptions about the Confederacy.
For one thing, Union victory at Gettysburg simply preserved the strategic stalemate in the Eastern theater. Both sides were winning on home turf. That would change during the decidedly unromantic Overland Campaign.
Second, we keep on asking how Lee lost at Gettysburg. I think George G. Meade and the Army of the Potomac won the battle.