On Jopadhola activism. Throughout the late 1950s, organisers articulated their frustrations about the state's economic demands & religious influences in Bunyole, Kisoko, & Tororo. On the one hand, communities were frustrated that the government & some writers in Buganda 1/7
insisted on accruing revenues from the region's cement production. On 20 February 1956, for instance, writers in Dobozi suggested that 'the Buganda Government should share in the revenue derived from Tororo cement [...] 2/7
b/c "it was through the generosity of the Baganda that the British ever went to those parts—in fact they were assigned to them by the Baganda."' On the other hand, writers in Padhola published an editorial in Uganda Empya on 7 June 1956, wondering 'whether the Protectorate 3/7
Government has taken any measures to stop that action [to separate religion from politics] as it is likely to hinder the development of Uganda.' Frustrations in eastern Uganda culminated in a series of protests and editorials in Uganda Argus in late 1962. 4/7
The Adhola Association organised in Aug. '62 to advocate for political-linguistic rights & representation. By 5 Oct., they issued an editorial, labelled "Jopadhola 'neglected'". The AA was especially concerned to see the government refusing to use Dhopadhola. 5/7
Adoko A. Nekyon (UPC, Lango SE) was Uganda's Minister of Information, Broadcasting and Tourism at the time. He responded by arguing that AA was simply upset that bulletins were also being issued in Lunyole, Lusaamia, and Lugwere. 6/7
Throughout the 1960s, the Adhola Association advocated for language and economic empowerment for communities throughout eastern Uganda. As the UPC moved increasingly to centralize resources throughout the late 1960s, their cause was met with increasing frustration. 7/7
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Following Independence, ongoing debates continued in Mbale about the charter of Nakaloke county and Mbale town, which Milton Obote was eyeing as Uganda's future capital. One of the most vocal writers of this time was Samwiri Mulabbi, who "advise[d] every Mugisu 1/9
wherever he or she may be to be quiet as you did when the boundary commission was doing its work." At length, he continued, "I ask all people of Bukedi to be calm about our land problem. [...] All of our trust is within God who created us on this jolly land of Bukedi. 2/9
I know that our independent Uganda is not going to use the British saying which says that disturb and rule." 3/9
of journalistic vitality. There were 8,200 copies of the Uganda Argus in circulation by 1958. Throughout the 1960s it remained Uganda’s leading English press, which meant that its pages constituted a significant site for debate and public management. 2/6
Benedicto Kiwanuka believed that the paper had become a socialist mouthpiece for the UPC by the late 1960s. Ironically, BK had himself been accused earlier by Catholic missionaries of being a Communist sympathizer. To counter the political leanings of the press, Kiwanuka 3/6
Buganda did not declare its Independence on 9 October 1962. It did so on 1 January 1961—and it nearly tore the kingdom apart. It was a decision that provoked outcry throughout the kingdom, and for some in the Lukiiko. I have provided a copy of the 1961 Agreement below. 1/
The new Agreement provoked immediate outcry throughout the kingdom, resulting in hundreds of petitions for the Lukiiko to resign. The petitions were recirculated by @DPSecretariat1 and in the Luganda press. They also began to resurface in Argus. 2/
Godfrey Binaisa and Luyimbazi Zake were among the most vocal critics of the declaration. In one letter to Katikkiro Kintu, they stated: 'We have had ample opportunity to make a careful study of the issues that made the Lukiiko decide upon secession. [...].' The two 'were 3/
'"Beautiful Women Change the Course of History!": Advertising Independence in early 1960s Uganda.' In the weeks surrounding #UgandaAt59, several hundred national & international companies congratulated UG on its Independence in Uganda Argus. Here are 87 examples.
The range of advertisements is incredibly diverse—from movie theatres to @Ford. Or from @BootsUK to @pepsi. I think there are many ways to read (or interpret) the images. We might, for instance, see them as illustrating the marketability of nationalism.
We can surely see how the images build upon and complicate tropes re: race, gender, and class. Walter Rodney might use them to convincingly argue that they show how late colonial capital maintained its grip on African economies in the postcolony.
What did logistics look like on UG's Independence Day? @PoliceUg worked incredibly hard to create a list of emergency nos., travel tips, general security guidance, & road contingencies. To guide spectators, they published the following booklet in the Uganda Argus. #UgandaAt59 1/7
Was Kabaka Muteesa II the son of Kabaka Chwa II? Prior to 1953, Kabaka Muteesa II was one of the more controversial rulers of a generation. Why? 1/thread
At the time of his death in late 1939, Kabaka Chwa had identified 'the real children of whom I am father'. He recognized 36, as noted here: 2/