This action for damages against Frontex follows the action brought against it for failure to act (because it did not end its participation in alleged human rights breaches) back in May: curia.europa.eu/juris/document…
So EU courts can now clarify how much Frontex is legally accountable.
Note that an action for damages is subject to different standing rules than a failure to act claim. An action for damages needs to prove that an unlawful action by Frontex caused damage to the applicant. This unlawful action must also meet a threshold...>
...namely, it must be a sufficiently serious breach of a superior legal rule (presumably the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights, in this case).
Frontex might argue that it is only assisting national authorities with expulsions etc, so cannot be liable.
The Frontex Regulation says that Member States are responsible for the merits of expulsion decisions. But Frontex has human rights obligations if it is involved with expulsion operations, plus a general non refoulement obligation.
There's an obscure and convoluted line of case law on the possibility of EU bodies and national authorities being *jointly* liable in damages where the threshold is met. It's possible that this case law might be relevant here.
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New judgment interprets EU law on confiscation of criminal assets - scope of the law is broad, but if assets are transferred to third parties, they must have fair trial rights to challenge its confiscation: curia.europa.eu/jcms/upload/do…
CJEU, disability discrimination law
New judgment: complete ban on blind person being employed as a juror breaches EU equality law, interpreted in light of UN Convention on persons with disabilities: curia.europa.eu/juris/document…
CJEU, fair trials law
New judgment: Member States must have system in place to correct any errors made when criminal suspects were informed of accusations against them; national courts must try to interpret national law consistently with EU law curia.europa.eu/juris/document…
It seems that a very very basic point has to be made again: international treaties are binding on the UK in international law, even if they are not incorporated in (or breached by) domestic law. Here's the Supreme Court confirming this in Miller. 1/
2/ This very very basic feature of the law applies in spite of any statements by Brexity lawyers who write for the Spectator.
Equally it means that a bill which would breach a treaty is not "illegal", still less criminal, as a matter of domestic law.
3/ And a very basic constitutional convention is that the Queen signs bills passed by Parliament. Spare us from the "deus ex regina" discourse this time, please.
The Spectator piece is by a barrister who blocked me for pointing out that he was falsely claiming that the withdrawal agreement was temporary. On this issue, the Brexit deal is separate from the withdrawal agreement, which does not have a human rights/rule of law break clause.
As for the Brexit deal, the human rights/rule of law break clauses mostly concern criminal law. There is an "essential elements" clause referring to the entire treaty, but it's subject to a high threshold to use it: eulawanalysis.blogspot.com/2021/01/analys…
See also my recent thread on human rights and the Brexit deal -
EU Commission statement in response to Polish constitutional tribunal judgment
I've seen a suggestion that the Polish constitutional judgment should be interpreted as an Article 50 notification of withdrawal from the EU. This is unconvincing. The judgment (in the translated excerpts I have seen) does not state an intention to withdraw. 1/
2/ Nor AFAIK is it notified to the European Council, as required by Article 50(2) TEU. Thirdly, international law (the Vienna Convention on the law of treaties, which the CJEU has used to interpret Article 50) requires a notification from a senior government member.
The TCA includes a reference to the importance of giving domestic legal effect to the ECHR in the criminal law part of the TCA. However, repealing the HRA would not automatically terminate the treaty as a whole or its criminal law part. 1/
2/ Nor is there a fast-track route to termination of the TCA, or its criminal law part, explicitly on the ground that the UK repeals the HRA.
3/ If, on the other hand, the UK denounced the ECHR, or the protocols to the ECHR which the UK has ratified, there is a fast track to terminate the criminal law part of the TCA.