Powell is really underscoring the uncertainty associated with policymaking today. "We have to be humble about what we know about this economy." We thought the economy was heading to one destination until Delta came along.
Powell: We thought schools reopening and elapsing unemployment benefits would boost labor supply. That wasn't the case.
The learning for those of us who lived through the last cycle, over time, maximum employment can be somewhere different than anticipated.
Powell: It is very possible that the Fed has already met its inflation test for liftoff. The inflation language in the forward guidance might be a little stale.
Powell: We haven't evaluated whether we've met our inflation goal (even though he concedes that they probably have done so) because we *know* we haven't met our employment goal.
Powell: You want to position policy "to act in case it becomes necessary to do so, and we think we will be" in such a position.
"Judgmentally, it's appropriate for us to be patient."
Powell: If it looks like we need to raise interest rates, "we'll be patient, but we won't hesitate."
More on uncertainty:
The economy right now is "very, very difficult to forecast, and [it is] not easy to set policy. We have to set policy though. I don't think we're behind the curve."
"I think policy is well positioned to address the range of outcomes."
"Our policy will adapt and has already adapted."
Powell also concedes that part of the increase in inflation is "partly a demand story." (Supply chains aren't kinking up on their own. Something—demand—is doing it.)
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This week’s Fed meeting—and Powell’s press conference on Wednesday—is a higher stakes event than seemed likely a few weeks ago after markets reacted to potentially hawkish shifts by central banks in Canada, the U.K., and Australia wsj.com/articles/centr…
The Reserve Bank of Australia stunned investors when it declined last week to defend the 0.1% target on bond yields that mature in Apr ‘24, fueling expectations that it will scrap yield curve control at Tuesday’s meeting. “If so, this is a startling about-face,” said one analyst
The Bank of Canada surprised markets last week when it ended its government-bond-purchase program and moved up the time frame for when it might first raise its benchmark interest rate from its current near-zero level.
Jay Powell reaffirmed the Fed’s emerging plan to start scaling back its stimulus policies this year, and in considerable detail, he elaborated on his expectations for receding inflation and the mistakes of overreacting to a temporary price surge wsj.com/articles/powel…
Here's the chart that's worth quite a few words from Jay Powell's speech
Powell's inflation dashboard
1) Higher prices aren't broad based 2) Surge-price categories are moderating 3) Wages don't suggest "excessive inflation" 4) Long-term expectations have only increased a little 5) Little reason to see global disinflationary forces reversing overnight
A compromise preserves the Fed and the Treasury’s existing authority to start crisis-lending programs but prevents them from creating a copycat or “clone,” says Toomey, of two business loan programs or a muni market backstop wsj.com/articles/congr…
The exact wording of the statute will be important, of course, in determining what this means going forward.
But a potentially bigger issue is that Republicans have signaled there will be a political fight for any active use of this new dimension of Fed credit policy
Consider: if there’s broad political support for a lending program, there’s less risk of second-guessing when loans default, especially for something with more credit risk
Political risk to the Fed grows as it entertains riskier lending w/out broad political support
Toomey told reporters he was motivated to secure legislative language that would bar the Fed from reviving the corporate credit, municipal liquidity and Main Street lending programs because he feared Democrats would push to subsidize credit more generously if allowed to do so.
The whole fight over the last 24 hours came down to the actual technical language to achieve this goal. Toomey conceded his first pass at the language late last week might have been "too broad" by limiting activities that he didn't intend to constrain.
The compromise is designed to ensure the Biden administration and the Powell Fed cannot restart the programs "by creating a clone and calling it something different" without congressional authorization. "These programs were never intended to hang around indefinitely."
Both parties are near agreement on the $900 billion Covid relief bill
Republicans secured a provision to close and keep closed the Fed’s most novel emergency lending programs with language that says they can’t be duplicated after funding expires on Dec 31 wsj.com/articles/mccon…
Toomey and Schumer agreed to revise an earlier proposal Toomey backed to restrict the Fed from ever again creating programs “similar” to its Main Street lending program and two others that bought longer-dated corporate and municipal debt without congressional approval
The new language prevents the Fed from duplicating these programs after they close but doesn’t otherwise place a further constraint on their emergency-lending powers, something that had drawn objection from Democrats and raised concerns among business groups
The Federal Reserve's authority to establish emergency-lending programs has emerged as a late sticking point in negotiations on the latest Covid relief package wsj.com/articles/covid…
Sen. Pat Toomey (R., Pa.) wants language included that would bar the Fed from using that authority to start any program "that is similar to any program" established in March and April using funds from the Cares Act
Earlier, he sought to rescind $429 billion in funds Congress approved earlier this year for the Treasury to backstop these programs.
The latest language would go one step further by preventing a future Treasury secretary or Fed chair from starting new programs w/out legislation