The Miliband-Poulantzas' debate on the Capitalist state felt for a long time like a relic of bygone era. The "Moloch state" - the powerful and interventionist social-democratic state - they analysed seemed to have little to do with the "rolled back" state of the neoliberal era.
In their work on the state Miliband and Poulantzas had discussed how state technocracy and dirigisme had become integral part of the capitalist system, and how the pact between capital and labour served the purpose of preventing drift towards socialism.
Yet in aftermath of debate the direction of history took a rather different course: internationalisation of the state (something Poulantzas had already discussed in fact without however drawing its implications), globalisation, and "deregulation" leading to loss of state control
Consensus in academia in the late 1990s and early 2000s was that market was triumphant and the state on the backfoot. This contributed to decline of debates on state and capitalism.
However, neo-statist trends in the aftermath of the populist 2010s and the Covid crisis make debates about the nature and function of the state very relevant once again.
Some of problems and threats Miliband and Poulantzas signalled are relevant once again: role of state in reproducing capitalist system; role in containing /neutralising popular mobilisations; bourgeoisification of political personnel (elite vs people); socialism for the rich etc.
(I am working on an article looking at what lessons we can draw from that debate in radically different historical circumstances)

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More from @paologerbaudo

21 Oct
Sottosviluppo italiano deriva da assenza storica di una "grande borghesia" degna di tale nome. La borghesia che abbiamo è piccola/media di stampo familiare e mentalità da orticello. Divisione proprietà/gestione propria del capitalismo moderno ha funzionato poco nel nostro paese.
Le grandi imprese italiane, eccetto per banche e poche altre, sono o 1) partecipate statali o 2) imprese parafamiliari, con controllo stretto della proprietà.
Abbiamo un'eccedenza di borghesi (e di città borghesi che da tempo immemore vivono sulle province, le 100 città di Gramsci) che però non sono in grado di fare i borghesi e creare egemonia stabile. Per quello spesso la borghesia italiana si è affidata all'estrema destra.
Read 8 tweets
20 Oct
Here's are some of the points discussed in my @guardian op-ed on the populist right and Covid conspiracy theories. /thread
The populist right dallying with conspiracy theorists is the last chapter of a longstanding culture war on values and identity. The idea was popularised back in 1992 by republican pundit and pres candidate Buchanan and it has become the standard strategy of the hard right. 1/
Read 13 tweets
12 Oct
The culture war is now eating the right from within.
/thread
Over the course of the last decades the growing consensus of the populist right has been partly built by pursuing a culture war against liberal elites and the left accused of imposing on ordinary people alien ideas. 1/
This culture war is multifarious. On the one hand it revolves around conservative rejection of progressive values (LGBT rights, racial equality etc). On other hand it comprises a suspicion of science and technique, seen as a means of imposing progressivism and rationalism. 2/
Read 13 tweets
9 Aug
While we wait for release of new IPCC report it is ever more apparent that to avert climate disaster we need massive state interventionism, the like of which we have not experienced for decades, and we are not culturally/psychologically prepared for. /thread
1/ For a long time climate policy discourse was framed either as changes in individual consumption patterns or local areas (do you remember transition towns?) or multilateralism and action at global level. "Think global act local" or "planetary solutions to planetary problems".
2/ Fact that changes in individual consumption patterns is only an illusion (for how it may give a little help) has already been demolished (at least in the activist milieu). But idea that only planetary solutions will deliver us from global problems is more stubborn.
Read 13 tweets
7 Aug
If Italy is the country of the future, expect to have not just one rightwing populist party but two (Lega + Brothers of Italy). I struggled a bit yesterday to explain to foreign journalist why this is the case.
My sense is that there are 2 parties because of 2 main reasons: 1. territorial divides, 2. divides within the Italian bourgeoisie. Ideology also matters ("post"-fascism in case of Brothers of Italy vis-a-vis post-regionalist populism in the case of Lega). But not as important.
In terms of territorial divides despite Lega becoming national party its heartland still very much in the Po valley, and its free market policy reflects it. Brothers of Italy strong in Centre-South and more economically marginal areas. Its economic policy is more protectionist.
Read 8 tweets
5 Aug
The problem of Agamben and philosophical allies is not that they are Foucaultian, but that they are not Foucaultian enough! It is as if they have only read Discipline and Punish skipping the lectures at the College de France.
Discussing rise of political economy Foucault says that entire point of biopolitics is circulation, facilitating movement of people and things. Agamben and the like instead operate with a vision of government as confinement, using the concentration camp as paradigm of modernity.
For example vaccine passports are not about confining people at home. Much to the contrary they are about persuading them to get out of their homes, winning over their reluctance for fear of contagion. It is a means of circulation not confinement.
Read 4 tweets

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