There are men of influence in evangelical circles who’ve made a whole career of improving upon God’s Word with their own opinions, and then excommunicating anyone who questions their pet tertiary doctrines.
Such men are accustomed to silencing dissent within their spheres of influence by threatening the employment, professional standing or institutional status of anyone who interrogates the status quo.
But a growing number of professionals from outside the institutional settings in which these men exercise control—journalists, academics, clergy and so on—have taken an interest in critiquing the ideological commitments behind conservative evangelical theology and politics.
It’s been fascinating to watch the reaction from men in power and those who aspire to inherit power: they’ve never before had to reckon with sustained volleys of criticism from professionals who they can’t dismiss as unbelievers or threaten into silence—and it shows.
Their counter-arguments (if we may call them arguments) are uniformly *terrible*: mostly variations on the theme, “But I disagree with that person about what the Bible says, so that person doesn’t really believe the Bible, obviously [QED, pause for applause].”
The rest of their objections are either personal attacks against a given author, or complaints to the effect that the reviewer wishes the author had written a book on some subject other than the actual subject of the book—which just isn’t at all how arguing works.
Another thing that’s been fascinating to watch is who ends up getting labeled ‘divisive’.

Turns out, it’s not the doctrine sheriffs who ascended to and retain power by inventing a new controversy every few years to manufacture hysteria over theological liberalism.
It’s not the guys who’ve spent the last several decades doing everything in their power to conflate theological orthodoxy with retrograde ideas about economics and politics, and dismissing anyone who disagrees as sub-Christian and probably a Marxist.
No: it’s the folks who criticize the established order that get labeled ‘divisive’—as if the established order isn’t itself sustained by the very techniques of division which scholarly treatments of racism, misogyny and Christian Nationalism threaten to expose.
If you think critiques of the evangelical-industrial complex are more divisive than the evangelical-industrial complex itself—if, in effect, you think the people demanding justice are more divisive than those doing injustice—you should ask yourself why it is that you think that.
If you’re honest with yourself, I expect you’ll find that you benefit in some way from the established order and the sanctioned techniques of division that hold it together, and that perhaps you’re more comfortable with the status quo than you ought to be.

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More from @scott_m_coley

7 Nov
People aren’t leaving the church because they think “The World” is a safe place.
They’re leaving the church like someone runs out of a burning building—or jumps out of a 30 story window in a burning building, not because they have an overwhelming desire to jump to their death, but because the alternative is unbearable.
If you’ve been hurt really badly in a church, or if you’ve seen behind the curtain, it can be overwhelmingly to try to start over—especially if it’s happened several times.
Read 7 tweets
5 Nov
“Biblical manhood” (whatever that may be) isn’t the same thing as “being a Christ-follower.”

They’re two different things—they must be, otherwise it wouldn’t be possible for women to be Christ-followers.
(“But wait!” you may say, “that’s what biblical womanhood is for—Christianity for women is biblical womanhood; and Christianity for men is biblical manhood.”

But that would mean there are two different Christianities: one for men and another for women. And that can’t be right.)
So Christianity and “biblical manhood” are two different things.

Which takes priority—being a Christ-follower, or being a “biblical man”?

It cannot be that both objectives are equally important, since that would be tantamount to serving two masters:
Read 16 tweets
15 Oct
In the context of a theological or philosophical disagreement among fellow believers, appeals to a ‘Christian worldview’ are either irrelevant or hopelessly question-begging.
The thrust of the appeal to a Christian worldview is this:

“These ideas are incompatible with the kind of worldview that a Christian should have. So Christians, as such, should reject these ideas as inconsistent with their Christian faith.”
Here’s why that reasoning just doesn’t work.

Suppose that ‘Christian worldview’ refers to an epistemic framework (or some feature thereof) which corresponds to the truth claims of Christianity.

Now let ‘P’ be any (set of) proposition(s).
Read 11 tweets
13 Oct
When college-educated, white evangelical men complain that they are marginalized among “elites,” what are they actually complaining about? ¹
Every modern U.S. President has claimed a commitment to some form of Christianity. ²

All but two have been Protestant.

Every U.S. President has been male, and all but one has been white.
Observe the composition of the U.S. Senate or the Supreme Court: majority white, majority male, majority Christian.
Read 21 tweets
26 Aug
Appealing to the authority of Scripture to settle a debate about how to interpret Scripture is a form of propaganda—it invokes a virtuous ideal in service to a goal that actually does violence to that very ideal.
This tactic functions much like the rhetoric of States’ Rights, according to which federal enforcement of civil rights is a violation of freedom—namely, the freedom of some to violate the civil rights of others (via slavery, segregation, Jim Crow or what have you).
Notice that States’ Rights rhetoric appeals to a virtuous ideal: namely, liberty. But it does so in order to preserve, e.g., the institution of slavery, which violates liberty—in fact, that *just is* the primary argument against slavery: it deprives people of liberty.
Read 16 tweets
9 Aug
From what I’ve seen, much evangelical anti-CRT rhetoric suffers from three basic confusions.

Clarity on these points is prerequisite to fruitful dialogue.
The first confusion stems from different senses of the term ‘racism’—specifically, a conflation of ‘racism’ qua racist attitudes and ‘racism’ qua racist systems or institutions.
The objection goes like this: “What do you mean America is systemically racist? I’m an American and *I’m* not racist—I hardly even know anyone who’s racist! So that can’t be right.”
Read 14 tweets

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