Lets talk about socialism and abundance.

Part of the reason why socialist / YIMBY housing discourse is so spicy is because socialist thinking is oriented around the injustices and contradictions that result from modernity and abundance rather than pre-capitalist scarcity.
Socialist movements and theory emerged in the 19th century, an era of growing industrial production, technological progress and productivity growth.

Thus, socialists were concerned with the irrationality of social hierarchies and recessions in the midst of incredible abundance.
The premise of the socialist argument was that replacing feudal rentiers with industrial capitalists didn't go far enough.

Replacing monarchy with democracy wasn't enough.

Replacing rents with market prices wasn't enough.

Replacing aristocracy with formal rights wasn't enough.
So in housing discourses, when some on the left say that we have enough houses but we need to redistribute them to the homeless, that that is an artefact of where socialism originates from.
Similarly, when liberals focus on rent-seeking and zoning that is an artefact of liberalism's origin as a rebellion against feudal landlords and aristocrats.

Liberalism advocates formal equality and an ''equal playing field,'' rather than fully substantive guarantees.
In this case, zoning reform is the formal equality and equal competition that liberalism traditionally aligns with.

Public housing and de-commodification are the substantive state guarantees favored by socialists.

These are not mutually exclusive, and both should be advocated.
So I don't really blame anyone for talking past each other on housing, you're both making the arguments your ideologies have been making for centuries.
In short, liberalism is an ideology that opposed the aristocracy and rent-seeking.

Socialism opposed the bourgeoisie.

Therefore, how liberalism and socialism perceive equality and reform is deeply rooted in the history of which ruling classes these ideologies battled against.
The political economy of also matches the industrial revolution.

Liberals aligned with the industrial bourgeoisie (producers), conservatives with the landlords (hoarders).

Developers (producers) favor the liberal anti-zoning position and many landlords (hoarders) the NIMBY one.
So what should socialists do?

The correct thing is supporting the bourgeoisie over the aristocrats. This was the opinion of 19th c. socialists.

So 21st-century socialists should support bourgeois developers over conservative landlords, even if both are selfish upper-classes.
The one who pursues selfish ends through rapid production and abundance is better than the one who pursues selfish ends through scarcity and rent-seeking.
I am a socialist, and I also support YIMBY ideas because housing is one of the few remaining areas where the political economy does not resemble an industrialized and globalized economy, but the bitter feud between bourgeois and aristocratic forces in a pre-industrial economy.

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More from @TristamPratori1

12 Nov
Inflation is about class conflict.

Unions strike, increasing wages. Firms protect their margins by raising prices. Increased wages cause demand-push inflation etc.

Paul Volcker carried around an index card with the schedule for union contract negotiations on it.
Currently, the government paid people substantial amounts and spending has risen.

A record 4.3 million people quit their jobs, which destabilized control over labor and wages to increase.

In the face of rising energy costs, firms protect their record markups by raising prices.
So inflation appears at the seams between various distribution struggles and their intersections.
Read 4 tweets
7 Nov
Liberals in most places are free-market ideologues (i.e a flavor of conservative), US liberalism is uniquely progressive.

In Sweden, the Liberals allied with industrialists and major business lobbies and favored reducing taxes and government spending

hhs.se/contentassets/…
A major reason the Social Democrats won the 1932 election is because the Liberal prime minister was disgraced for getting donations from Ivar Kreuger, a notorious monopoly capitalist in Sweden at the time.
The Conservatives received about 5 - 7 million Swedish Kroner from industrialists, the Liberals about 2 million (after ww2 I recall)
Read 5 tweets
5 Nov
Why is economic inequality not coming down and reform solidifying consistently?

The question of why there isn't *more* political response to contemporary developments.

I think the problem is: socialist movements in the 21st century are weak compared to the 20th century. Image
Moderates are flabbergasted. Before my view was consistently on the left, I was wondering about this too.

But then I learned about the history of the left and the labor movements, and then it becomes more clear why the much-desired turnaround is not materializing.
In the 20th century, it was decades of sustained socialist pressure (albeit many different varieties) that eventually forced all societies to give way to reform.
Read 5 tweets
2 Nov
The profit motive (that is, the *exclusive* use of *limited* resources for personal benefit) is a remnant of prior economic systems that were predicated on scarcity.

We also know that ideologies favoring hierarchy and (e.g right-wing ones) are based on a scarcity mentality.
Social classes and economic inequality are not inevitable, they are the result of underlying methods that humanity uses to produce for its survival.
We can see that humanity becomes more egalitarian as production resources develop and become more abundant.

The move from feudalism based on *scarce* natural resources (such as land) to capitalism based on *abundant* reproduced resources (machines) reduced many hierarchies.
Read 12 tweets
1 Nov
Expansionary fiscal policy wasn't orthodoxy on the left until the 1930s and 40s, many people forget this.

Before Roosevelt turned towards Keynesianism, he said you ''...can't get something for nothing.''

Rudolf Hilferding and the SPD thought large deficit spending was utopian.
I can't completely blame them for the skepticism, it was a new idea at the time and many people would've rather stuck with the tried and true rather than titanic financial experiments.
To be clear, the SPD wasn't against social spending. The Ebert-Hilferding finance ministry increased social welfare spending.

But they tried to balance the budget most of the time.
Read 4 tweets

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