Many restrictions now target the unvaxxed. Beyond public health arguments, a behavioral logic is increasingly used ("we need to pressure them!").
But be warned: This logic comes with great costs.
A 🧵 on almost 2 years of research on the societal impact of the pandemic. (1/10)
A pandemic is an excessively severe crisis. Beyond the health consequences, one of the main causalities is trust in the political system. We have tracked government support across countries. And it drops as the crisis unfolds: doi.org/10.1080/014023…. (2/10)
Our research shows that this decreasing trust is driven by feelings of fatigue, which again is driven by restrictions and the time that passes as the pandemic drags on and on and on: psyarxiv.com/y6wm4/. (3/10)
This fatigue is a facilitator of true radicalization: journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10.11…. The psychological burden fuels hatred towards the system & support for political violence. Pandemic-specific terrorist plots have aldready been identified (apnews.com/article/europe…). (4/10)
Our research shows that those who are unvaccinated are those that are most likely to feel fatigued and those who in general trust the authorities the least: bmjopen.bmj.com/content/11/6/e…. (5/10)
Accordingly, communicating restrictions as attempts to "force" the unvaccinated into compliance will strengthen those very sentiments that created suspicion of the vaccines in the first place: Fatigue and mistrust. (6/10)
This will be further accelerated by conflict between citizens themselves. Our research shows that those who themselves comply are likely to morally condemn those who are unvaccinated, especially if they personally fear infection: psyarxiv.com/3rczg/. (7/10)
Behavioral pressure may succeed with the short-term mission of getting more people vaccinated. But the question is: What are the wider societal costs after the pandemic? Trust has been highlighted as key during this crisis. This strategy will decrease trust for some. (8/10)
The dilemma is real: A long period of restrictions for the vaxxed majority will also decrease their trust. And many will feel condemnation justified. But, alas, there is no quick fix. As waning vaccine immunity makes clear, we will struggle with this for some time. (9/10)
A pandemic is a total crisis. Beyond health concerns, managers need to deal with the economic and societal impact of the crisis. Part of the latter is to buffer eroding solidarity. In this regard, it is key to talk social conflict down, not up. (10/10)
• • •
Missing some Tweet in this thread? You can try to
force a refresh
We surveyed experiences of victims in 30 countries across the world (N=15,202) to show that political & economic inequality drive global differences in abuse on online platforms:
Our preregistered study show that experiences of being a victim to online hostility vary widely. West Europeans experience political hostility less than once a month but hostility is much higher in other parts of the world. 2/12
These differences reflect basic societal conditions of inequality. Political equality (i.e., presence of democracy) is highly correlated with online abuse (corr = -.69) as is economic inequality (corr = .45). 3/12
“The unvaccinated, I really want to piss them off. And so, we’re going to continue doing so, until the end. That’s the strategy,” said Macron during the COVID-19 pandemic
In a new article, we show the risks of such moralized cost-imposition:
Similar, but less strong, rethoric was used by the Danish primeminister during a press conference on Nov 8, 2021.
During the time, we collected daily representative surveys of trust in the response etc. in the @HopeProject_dk. 2/7
@HopeProject_dk Our findings show that, as result of the press conference, unvaccinated lost 11 %-points of trust in the response. It also decreased their motivation to contribute to the collective action problem of reducing infections as well as their felt ability to cope with the pandemic. 3/7
I was asked by the board of the Danish National Research Foundation, @GrundforskFond, to give a talk at their annual meeting.
They asked me to talk under the theme: "Preprints"
Here is what I said 👇
🧵 1/18
@GrundforskFond A key challenge facing the dissemination of knowledge is delays in publication ().
The social sciences are hard hit. 18 months from submission to publication in Economics & this is only *if* the paper is accepted in that journal. 2/18 sciencedirect.com/science/articl…
@GrundforskFond The evidence suggest that the delay is getting worse, not better, over time (). This is mostly due to increased time in review.
@concitoinfo Tal fra @ HopeProject_dk viser, at der ikke er helt aMMW konsensus om hårde instrumenter som skatter og afgifter, men selv er der kun ca. 30 %, der er uenige: 3/8 https://t.co/yV5W77QaHxgithub.com/Hopeproject202…
The Danish government has appointed me to direct a 5-year audit of Danish democracy in the 21st century: ufm.dk/aktuelt/presse…
Political scientists can think of Dahl's classic, "Who Governs?", but for an entire country. It is a monumental research challenge.
🧵 1/5
Parliament-initiated studies of power & democracy constitute a Scandinavian tradition. The last Danish study ended in 2003. In the following year Facebook was launched & fundamental societal changes have happened since. 2/5
A core focus is thus how and whether "slow-speed" democracy is fundamentally threatened by current "high-speed" society -- characterised by rapid technological innovation, increasing problem complexity, fast-paced media reporting & rising inequality. 3/5
I denne tråd skitserer jeg det, der ligger forude, og nogle af de udfordringer, som demokratiet står foran i det 21. århundrede.
🧵 1/14
Magtudredninger er en særlig skandinavisk tradition, hvor parlamentet beder uafhængige forskere om at vurdere om de - og andre magtaktører - lever op til demokratiets idealer og udstyrer forskerne med væsentlige ressourcer til den opgave. 2/14
Én gang tidligere har man gennemført en magtudredning i DK (magtudredningen.dk). Bl.a. under overskriften "et ganske levende demokrati" konkluderede man, at DKs demokrati var robust, og at forskydningerne af magt i høj grad var politisk bestemte & dermed under kontrol. 3/14