Henry Gao Profile picture
Nov 14, 2021 18 tweets 7 min read Read on X
The CAC just issued its draft Cyber Data Security Administrative Rules for comments. Several interesting points:
1. it confirms my warning 2 weeks ago that even foreign firms like @google, @Meta
& @Twitter are required to comply with the new law even if they are not operating in China, and further expands the list of covered activities under Art. 3 of PIPL by adding
another category: involving important domestic data processing. If all these giant digital firms have not designated a China-compliance officer (even though they have no operation in China), they should do it now.
2. There now 4 categories of data: general data, important data, personal data and core data. Important data and personal data will get special protection, while core data will get strict protection.
3. Cyber security review is now mandated not only for IPOs in foreign countries, but even for Hong Kong!

Major platforms are also required to report to CAC when they set up headquarters or operation centers or R&D centers outside of China.
4. Art. 38 confirms my reading of Art. 38 of the new PIPL two months ago, i.e., international agreements like the RCEP can be used to allow data transfer out of China, which is also confirmed by China's former Minister of Commerce Chen Deming yesterday.
5. The biggest bombshell is Art. 41:
The state establishes a cross-border data security gateway to block the spread of information from outside the People’s Republic of China that is prohibited by laws and administrative regulations from being released or transmitted in China.
Nobody shall provide programs, tools, lines, etc. for penetrating or bypassing cross-border data security gateways, and shall not provide Internet access, server hosting, technical support, promotion, payment and settlement, application downloading for such activities.
"If domestic users access the domestic network, their traffic must not be routed overseas": this clause could potentially outlaw corporate VPNs for all MNCs in China!

Of course, these provisions are not really new. I've documented and discussed them extensively in my paper:
Gao, Henry S. “Data Regulation with Chinese Characteristics.” doi:10.1017/9781108919234.017.

I discussed extensively the requirement to use gov't-sanctioned international gateways for all Internet connections, a provision dating back to 25 years ago.
More recently, VPNs were explicitly outlawed in new rules.
however, AFAIK, this is the very first time the government openly recognizes the existence of the Great Firewall in a law/regulation.

But, for those who rush to conclude that this could violate China's @wto or RCEP obligations, the matter is not that simple as it works one-way,
i.e, by blocking info from entering China only. Apparently, it would not prevent data from being transferred out of China.

In other words, what China is building is a reverse osmosis system, just like the Great Wall.
6. Art 49 requires the platform companies to ensure "the authenticity, accuracy, and legality of the information" that they push to the users. This is the exact opposite of the safe harbor rule in the DMCA and really bad news for big companies like @BytedanceTalk!
7. There are also clauses on a National Cyber ID accreditation system (no more anonymity online); and requires platform companies to comply with government requests for data and info.
8. There's also an interesting definition section that defines what is important and core data, but my favorite is this definition on data cross-border security gateway:
an important security infrastructure that blocks access to overseas reactionary websites and harmful information, prevents cyberattacks from abroad, controls cross-border network data transmission, and prevents detection and combating cross-border cyber crimes.
Comments can be filed by Dec 13 at cac.gov.cn/2021-11/14/c_1….

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More from @henrysgao

Jan 31
Today PLA Daily finally published another editorial on the Zhang Youxia case, which in itself is not surprising. What is striking are the following:
1. The editorial came a full 6 days after the case was first reported, during which time Zhang’s name never appeared at all. Image
2. Despite the strong rhetoric, there is still no pledge of loyalty from commanders across the various regions.

3. The editorial openly acknowledges the need to “face short-term difficulties and periodic pains,” implicitly admitting that things didn't go as smoothly as planned. Image
4. It goes out of its way to spell out that the CMC Chairman Responsibility System means "to resolutely follow Xi’s commands, be responsible to Xi, and reassure Xi".

This appears to be a response to arguments that the system means loyalty to the position, not to the person. Image
Read 4 tweets
Jan 26
Today’s PLA Daily editorial on anti-corruption offers a textbook example of how to read CCP propaganda:
Read it backwards.

The key message is that “a few corrupt elements can’t make any waves.”

1. Is it really just “a few,” when 5 of the 6 CMC members other than Xi are gone? Image
2. Among the 5 major crimes listed in yesterday’s PLA Daily piece, corruption was only the 3rd. Even then, Zhang and Liu were not accused of corrupting themselves, but of “seriously promoting political and corrupt problems that affect the Party’s absolute leadership of the army.” Image
Notably, "political" comes before "corrupt" — and promoting corruption is not the same as engaging in corruption.

3. Can they “make waves”?
Perhaps not the generals promoted by Xi.
But Zhang, a veteran commander with deep roots and a long history in the PLA, is different.
Read 5 tweets
Jan 26
Interesting story by @Lingling_Wei & @ByChunHan, but I have several questions:

1. @WSJ reports that the evidence against Zhang came from Gu Jun, former general manager of China National Nuclear Corp. But anyone familiar with the Chinese system knows that a suspect under Image
investigation may say virtually anything (in response to leading questions) in exchange for mitigation.

Moreover, this is almost impossible given how siloed the Chinese system is, as @neilthomas123 pointed out here:
@neilthomas123 2. I’m not convinced by the claim that the investigation of Zhang is “a sign of strength, not weakness, for Xi”, esp as the same article notes that the investigation team in Shenyang chose to stay in local hotels rather than military bases! Image
Image
Read 5 tweets
Jan 25
What is Zhang’s real crime?

It has nothing to do with corruption, despite what People’s Daily (and many pundits here) have claimed. The issue is far more fundamental: who controls the PLA.

Art 29 of PRC Constitution states that PRC armed forces belong to the people. Image
In reality, however, the army belongs neither to the people nor even to the People’s Republic.

It belongs to the CCP.

This principle was established under Mao and has been reaffirmed repeatedly. Most recently, the 2019 CCPCC Decision on Several Major Issues of Adhering to and
Improving the Socialist System with Chinese Characteristics and Promoting Modernisation of the National Governance System and Governance Capacity explicitly calls for upholding the “absolute leadership of the CCP over the army” and for “resolutely resisting wrong political views Image
Read 7 tweets
Dec 30, 2025
China has just revised its Foreign Trade Law, and the signal is unmistakable: Beijing is preparing for a long, tougher trade war with the US—for the next 3 years and beyond.

At the core of the revision is a new willingness to use unilateral trade countermeasures. Under the Image
revised Article 40, China can restrict or ban trade with foreign individuals or firms that harm China’s sovereignty or development interests, disrupt “normal” market transactions with Chinese entities, or discriminate against Chinese firms.

Crucially, the law also goes after Image
circumvention. Logistics providers, platforms, and other intermediaries can be penalised for helping firms evade Chinese measures.

This is clearly aimed at the “poison pill” clauses in recent US trade agreements, which try to lock partners into coordinated actions on China.
Read 8 tweets
Nov 20, 2025
Finally had time to read this, but I could barely get past the opening pages. Still, I’ll try.

This is how Kuo begins his essay:
“This essay doesn’t rehearse the familiar bill of particulars on China—constraints on political pluralism and independent media; expansive security Image
powers and preemptive detention; pressure on religious and ethnic expression; and episodes of extraterritorial coercion—not because those concerns are trivial, but because the task here is different.”

This has become the now-standard preface in China-defender discourse:
“the task here is different”, but different in what?

According to Kuo, “the aim here is to confront, with intellectual honesty, what China’s achievements oblige us to reconsider about modernity, state capacity, forms of political legitimacy, and our own complacencies.”
Read 16 tweets

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