JW Mason Profile picture
16 Nov, 15 tweets, 5 min read
You often hear that higher inflation is associated with higher real interest rates - that's supposed to be one of its major costs. I don't know where this bit of folk wisdom came from, but the reality is exactly the opposite. Higher inflation almost always means lower real rates.
The US has experience many episodes of inflation (and some of deflation) over the past century, and the early 1980s is the *only* case in which higher inflation has been associated with higher real interest rates.
To the extent that interest rates are linked to inflation, this is entirely mediated by the central bank. Higher inflation may cause the central bank to tighten, and bond yields do (slowly and incompletely) move with the policy rate.
In a world without a central bank, there is just no relationship between inflation and interest rates at all. During the Civil War, when the US saw the highest inflation rates of the whole 19th century, nominal bond yields actually fell.
I'm a big fan of @M_C_Klein's Overshoot, and there's a lot to like in his latest one. But as is the way of the internet I'm going to pull out the one paragraph I don't agree with, where he gets tripped up on exactly this issue. theovershoot.co/p/the-case-for…
Note that he claims that "markets" will generate higher real interest rates if inflation rises -- i.e. that nominal rates will rise by more than inflation. I don't think there's a single historical case of this happening independent of central bank tightening.
Second, he says that businesses don't want to invest in an environment of high inflation because they won't to "tie up their cash in long-term projects." This is exactly backward.
"Tie up" is a metaphor here. What happens when a business invests is that it *spends* cash to acquire machinists structures, and other means of production. In an environment where cash is losing value, that becomes more attractive, not less.
If you're paying money at today's prices in order to sell something for whatever the market price turns out to be in a year or two or three, is that likely to work out better when prices are rising, or falling? Inflation makes long-term investment more attractive, not less.
And indeed, the high point for fixed investment as a share of GDP came exactly when you'd expect if inflation favors investment-- at the peak of the late-1970s inflation. (It's weird to me that so few people know this.)
Matt gets this right a bit later, when he turns to households. Inflation, he rightly says, should make consumers *more* inclined to buy durables - the equivalent of fixed investment by business. But in fact, there are signs that households are seeking to reduce durable purchases.
And of course, if people see now as a bad time to buy vehicles and other durables, that's not only a sign that they see today's high prices as a transitory aberration. It's also a reason to think that they will in fact be transitory, as demand shifts back to more elastic sectors.
Going back to interest rates - the idea that changes in inflation are fully (or more than fully) passed thru to nominal interest rates is often called the "Fisher effect" but Irving Fisher himself was quite aware that this is not in fact the case. voxeu.org/article/misnom…
As Fisher himself said: "When prices are rising, the rate of interest tends to be high but not so high as it should be to compensate for the rise; and when prices are falling, the rate of interest tends to be low, but not so low as it should be to compensate for the fall”
Even 100 years ago, there was plenty of data to show that inflation bounces around a lot while nominal interest rates are quite stable. The "real" interest rate is just an ex post residual - it is not real in an ontological sense.

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More from @JWMason1

16 Nov
There seem to be a significant number of economists and economics-adjaent people who generally support strong demand and increased public spending, but are deeply worried about inflation. I'm genuinely curious how they'd answer the following questions.
First, do you think that some (not necessarily all) of the slow growth in employment and GDP after the Great Recession compared to before it was due to the ongoing effects of weak demand (hysteresis)?
Second, if weak demand caused a lasting fall in GDP and employment below the earlier trend, could a sustained period of strong demand (with GDP above current estimates of potential) reverse that damage?
Read 6 tweets
12 Nov
Here is one way to think about the inflation we are seeing now. (a thread)
Over much of the past two years, large parts of the economy were unable to operate as normal. Schools and daycares were shut down. Airports were operating at 5 percent capacity. No one was going to the gym or eating in restaurants. You probably remember this! 1/
Though you might have forgotten the scale of it. For example: In March of 2020, fewer than 100,000 people passed through TSA checkpoints each day, compared with 2.5 million a day in 2019. 2/
Read 22 tweets
5 Nov
A funny thing about "labor shortages" is that with the end of pandemic UI we just had a very powerful experiment on the effect of changes in work incentives on employment, and yet no one seems to be drawing any broader lessons from it.
If ending pandemic UI did not raise employment, that is not just a fact about pandemic UI. It is very informative about how important labor supply is to employment in general.
A nice example of the refusal to learn from this is the beltway journalist who admits that non-effect of expiring UI on employment is surprising, but then just goes on with his but-this-one-goes-to-11 insistence that employment problems are all about labor supply, not demand.
Read 5 tweets
18 Oct
The only way you could see today's rising prices as the beginning of a 1970s-style inflation is if you knew literally nothing about either period except that measured inflation was high.
A sustained period of strong demand-led growth has nothing in common with a sudden, exogenous interruption in production. To see them as equivalent requires a deliberate effort to ignore everything we know about what was happening in the world.
Between 2019 and 2020, worldwide auto production fell from 92 to 78 million vehicles. What is the scenario in which this *doesn't* cause an increase in auto prices? And why should we think this is at all informative about production capacity in 2022 or 2023?
Read 6 tweets
7 Oct
This piece on inflation by @BuddyYakov gets it exactly right: the problem we need to be addressing - in both the short term and long term - is not excessive growth in demand, but sluggish growth in supply. noemamag.com/how-to-put-the…
In retrospect it's strange that "supply side economics" has been associated with conservatives - in general, raising the economy's productive capacity is going to require a bigger public sector, not a smaller one.
The idea that there is a direct link between labor supply and employment needs full debunking elsewhere. But I'm just following textbook economics when I say: Demand determines employment, then labor supply conditions determine the wage at that employment level.
Read 8 tweets
25 Aug
Over on the right, you see how home purchases went up, and then when prices rose, purchases went down and construction went up? It's almost like there's a market or something. theovershoot.co/p/us-housing-n
No who knows anything about me would describe me as a great believer in markets. But I'm always struck by the extreme pessimism about market adjustment shown by inflation hawks.
In the world of inflation hawks, prices carry no information. When input prices rise, producers never find substitutes; they just pass it on. When output prices rise, no one finds ways to produce more of it. When goods prices rise, it never means we should consume something else.
Read 6 tweets

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