Just a note on the Dutertes and the Marcoses, based on the interesting book by Earl Parreño (a thread)
The President's father, associated himself with Sotero Cabahug and his brother Tosong who were appointed Sec. of Public Works and Acting Governor of Cebu respectively by President Osmeña in 1945. Vicente Duterte was appointed acting Mayor of Danao, Cebu.
The vice-mayor of Vicente Duterte was Luis Almendras, uncle of Alejandro Almendras who would become a political kingpin in Mindanao.
With the defeat of Osmeña by Roxas in 1946, Duterte would lose his position by 1947. Vicente Duterte engaged in copra buying in Cabadbaran and in 1949 the Duranos edged out the Almendrases in Danao. In the political wilderness, The Almendrases shifted to Davao.
By 1951 Alejandro Almendras had succesfully won the governorship of Davao province as a Nacionalista; he invited Vicente Duterte to join him in Davao as a lawyer and adviser. Almendras would prove adept at aligning himself with the national leadership of the NP.
Almendras would end up appointed by Pres. Garcia in 1958 as Secretary of the newly-created Department of General Services, with Vicente Duterte made Acting Governor of Davao; by 1959, Almendras was a senator, and Vicente Duterte had run for, and won, governorship of Davao.
By 1961 relations between Almendras and Duterte were deteriorating but Vicente won re-election in 1963. In 1964 Almendras helped Marcos secure the Senate Presidency and the Nacionalista nomination for the presidency. FM asked Almendras to be his Mindanao campaign manager in '65.
In 1966 President Marcos appointed Duterte to the Department of General Services (which Almendras had held a decade before: this suggested a path to the Senate) but he wasn't nominated by the NP to run for the Senate. But Davao had been divided into 3 new provinces.
Vicente Duterte wanted to run for congressman; Marcos offered to make him Mindanao campaign manager and spare him from a Cabinet revamp; Duterte insisted on running; FM gave his support to another candidate for the NP nomination. Duterte ran anyway as an independent.
Almendras publicly declared support for Duterte but Duterte would become convinced he was betrayed. Marcos threw his support behind Duterte's opponent. Duterte lost and three months after his defeat, in 1968, Duterte died. Soledad Duterte would be become famously anti-Marcos.
But the President's mother, though she became a Cory Crusader for the Snap Elections, would also withdraw her support. On December 28, 1990, she made a public statement launching the "Cory Resign" movement, calling on herto resign and hand over power to Vice-President Laurel.
The story of how Duterte became a fiscal, and then was appointed OIC Vice-Mayor, and then Mayor, is interestingly told in the book. /end
In all of the above, after the initial appointment by Aquino, RRD wasn’t of that alignment; he not only ran against the Cory candidate, he received the support of Alejandro Almendras and recall, he himself became a member of the RAM-affiliated Guardians scmp.com/news/asia/sout…
The moral of the tale is, the President will pragmatically align himself even with his father's enemies to help himself. But he doesn't forget and if collides with his plans (like wanting his daughter to run for president) he will act against them eventually.
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Quick notes on the latest Arroyo-related brouhaha. 1. The lay of the land for the ruling coalition's interesting in that neither the prexy nor veep have pocket parties of consequence: the expected stampede was into a party in coalition, but not specifically led by the prexy.
Essentially, GMA has been credited with: 1. being instrumental in the coalition that brought Duterte victory; 2. negotiating the 2022 tandem that accomplished first successful succession since 1992. The dilemma of the third wheel, politically.
Initially, she seemed frozen out in the division of the spoils; but she started becoming a fixture in the travels of the President (to wean her away from the veep? As a foil to the President's elder sister and channel to veep? Simply to keep friends close, enemies closer?)
@lucindomino There are two factors missing in your review. First what replaced parties for many reasons was national media, a process that began in 1955 with the abolition of bloc voting which was the basic building block of the national senate scheme. The erosion dated that far back. What…
@lucindomino disguised it was changing of the rules in 1987 abandoning the 8 at a time to make it 12 at a time at the instigation of premartial law losers who wanted a chance post martial law (incidentally abandoning making the senate a continuing body and also as surveys since have revealed
@lucindomino Setting aside the tendency of voters to recall max slate of 8: so what arose as opportunity was dagsag bawas). So long as national media was strong new personalities could gain national recognition altho advantage shifted to media and showbiz personalities). But by 2013 it was…
(thread) The real question we have to ask in remembering #ML50 is less how did Marcos manage to get away with it, but rather, how did so many who knew what was coming, fail to stop it? The timeline reveals to us it was like a trainwreck in slow motion. philippinediaryproject.com/2021/08/27/a-t…
I have my own theories from reading up and listening to those who were active then. My theory is it took 1962-76 he actually did it in a lot of stages. What Makoy had going for him: every institution that could resist had cells of Marcos minded people. In media, Doroy Valencia...
in the courts, Fred Ruiz Castro, the Ilocano generals and all the colonels pissed off with the Commission on Appointments; legions of parents freaked out by hippies, priests and bishops freaked out by Reds, ditto businessmen big and small. Against him the usual intelligentsia...