A brief explanation of what appears to be going on here. telegraph.co.uk/politics/2021/…
(NB medicines regulation is complex: I am trying to summarise accurately but do not rely!)
The effect of the Protocol is to put NI into the EU medicines regime.
The basic principle of that regime is that any medicine that is placed on the market in the EU must have a marketing authorisation (MA).
For new medicines to treat these conditions, MAs are issued only by the EMA for the whole EU.
The EMA also deals with new medicines using these technologies.
(There are some other “EMA-only” categories.)
For all other new medicines, and for all generics (essentially, copies of existing authorised medicines), MAs are granted by the Member State where the product is to be sold.
(There are various procedures for coordinating and reaching a common view on multiple applications to different Member States and for carrying over an MA issued in one State into another.)
All this applies in NI. The U.K. MHRA (the medicines regulator) now wears two hats. It is the NI Member State regulator under EU law. And it is the GB regulator under GB medicines law (which is now, of course, a separate regime).
For generics, and for non-EMA-only new medicines, the MHRA (NI hat) can grant MAs for NI, following EU rules.
The difficulties with these products have largely concerned problems that arise where (as is common) NI is supplied with those medicines from GB and by companies based in GB. There has been a temporary fix to some of these problems.
The EU “non-paper” offered some permanent solutions: see ec.europa.eu/info/sites/def…. But, as the article points out, there are some further problems eg with having to produce separate patient information leaflets for NI, as the rules about those leaflets diverge.
However, there is a separate problem with EMA-only new medicines. Let’s say a new medicine in these categories comes along which is swiftly approved for GB by the MHRA (GB hat) under the GB regime. But the EMA doesn’t approve it (or hasn’t yet approved it) under the EU regime.
So in NI, the MHRA (NI hat) can’t generally* allow its use. (*NB there are some cases where it could: one - which shot to prominence last year - is where the new medicine is to be used in response to a pandemic. But eg new cancer treatments won’t benefit from that exception.)
So it could be that GB gets a new cancer treatment approved by the MHRA (GB hat) but the MHRA (NI hat) can’t allow it to be sold or prescribed in NI. This is unattractive.
The EU non-paper doesn’t deal with EMA-only medicines, and so says nothing about this problem. But it seems that there is now movement.
The sensitivity is that the EMA may have good regulatory reasons for a different view of eg whether safety or efficacy has been proved: these are very complex and sometimes controversial judgments where two very competent regulators just disagree.
The EU sensitivity is that if a medicine in the EMA-only category, which is not approved by the EMA but is approved by MHRA (GB hat), is circulating in NI, it will end up leaking over the Irish border into the EU.
This is a real fear: where lives and health are at stake, the incentives for leaks of that kind are potentially very high.
Hence the EU’s reported emphasis on “checks” to ensure that what is authorised for NI stays in NI.
(NB the current government’s line, in the July Command Paper, that medicines should just be removed from the Protocol entirely, seemed to me to be hopelessly over-optimistic on what it called the “extremely minimal” risk of leakage.
It was also, there as elsewhere in the paper, somewhat over-confident - particularly given its record - in the idea that the EU would readily go for mechanisms based on trust rather than law.)

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More from @GeorgePeretzQC

19 Nov
A thread on levelling up: it’s a constitutional issue.
Start with a good summary of the problem with the current government’s approach by @MarvinJRees, Mayor of Bristol. Lack of coordination and games of “scrambles”. (From modernleft.substack.com/p/bristol-mayo…) ImageImageImage
Then this, by a group of authors for @UKandEU ukandeu.ac.uk/regional-local…
Read 9 tweets
19 Nov
Remember that the EU offered the current government a mobility chapter that would have allowed short term work eg by young people without much 💰 keen on ⛷ or 🏝 or improving their languages. But ultra-Brexitist dogma said “no”. independent.co.uk/news/uk/politi…
So young Brits (those without an 🇮🇪 grandparent or other EU citizenship) are denied opportunities open to every other young person west of Belarus.
None of this was a necessary consequence of Brexit, as this lead campaigner pointed out. telegraph.co.uk/politics/2016/…
Read 5 tweets
18 Nov
What this story told to @JamesCrisp6 *appears* to mean is that the Commission would no longer bring infraction proceedings against the UK in relation to NI (cases where the Commission brings a State before the ECJ where the Commission thinks it has breached EU law).
Article 12(4) of the Protocol means that the U.K. is subject to such proceedings (in relation to the application of customs, goods, VAT and State rules) under the Protocol as if it were a Member State. Image
Wouldn’t that mean rewriting Article 12(4) (rewriting being ruled out by the EU)?
Read 8 tweets
10 Nov
Superb explanation of why attempting to escape the Protocol is (in @Dannythefink’s words) profoundly unConservative. thetimes.co.uk/article/tories…
Denial of reality (the need for a border somewhere given the current government’s choice of Brexit).
(I’d add that that understates the refusal to accept reality because, in truth, a hard land border of ~300 very wiggly miles running through the heart of communities many of whom regard it as illegitimate and most of whom will resent it isn’t actually a realistic option.)
Read 8 tweets
9 Nov
This is a very timely and important contribution to the debate on what, exactly, Article 16 allows the U.K. (or, indeed, the EU) to do. Some key points.
This para makes the point that A16 does not on its face permit derogation from express legal obligations. It makes the point that there are different types of derogation: a complete derogation, or eg a derogation from an obligation matched with compensation for not performing it.
Art 16 is not a renegotiation clause. It is about *temporary* solutions, to last for as little time as possible.
Read 14 tweets
7 Nov
A quick note on Ministers’ legal powers here.
Section 8C of the EU Withdrawal Act 2018 gives Ministers huge powers to legislate “for the purposes of dealing with matters arising out of, or related to, the Protocol (including matters arising by virtue of section 7A and the Protocol)”.
These are Henry VIII powers: they allow Ministers to rewrite any part of the statute book. Including the Withdrawal Act itself. See (2).
Read 15 tweets

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