Section 8C of the EU Withdrawal Act 2018 gives Ministers huge powers to legislate “for the purposes of dealing with matters arising out of, or related to, the Protocol (including matters arising by virtue of section 7A and the Protocol)”.
These are Henry VIII powers: they allow Ministers to rewrite any part of the statute book. Including the Withdrawal Act itself. See (2).
(Note for Irish readers. The Irish Constitution would sensibly prohibit the Oireachtas - Ireland’s parliament - from surrendering such huge law-making powers to the executive.)
What’s Parliament’s (limited) role? See paragraph 8F of Sched.7. If primary legislation is altered or a (further) power to make law is taken, each House of Parliament must pass a resolution approving it. Otherwise the measure will become law if neither House actively opposes it.
However, see section 7A. That provides that all rights and obligations (etc) created or arising under the Withdrawal Agreement (including the Protocol) are to be part of UK law - and all legislation is is to be read subject to that provision.
Article 16 is part of the Protocol. So any section 8C regulation is OK and consistent with section 7A if it is a lawful use of Article 16.
But what if the government exceeds what it can lawfully do under Article 16? Article 16 has limits. See
In such a case s7A kicks in: to the extent that the regulation under s8C goes beyond what A16 permits, it is invalid. A court would have to quash it/declare it invalid accordingly.
Could a Minister use a section 8C regulation to amend section 7A itself? (Remember the wide power granted to rewrite Acts of Parliament.)
Almost certainly not. Section 7A almost certainly has “constitutional” status which protects it against anything other than express repeal by an Act of Parliament. (Also, the Lords would have to approve any such s8C regulation: good luck with that.)
So, if the current government proposes to go beyond what Art 16 permits, it has to get an Act of Parliament (and get it through the Lords, or around the Lords by using the Parliament Act - which means waiting till the next session).
Even given the extraordinarily wide powers it has taken for itself, it can’t use those powers to evade that basic issue.
Absolutely worth a watch by @BrigidLaffan. Pretty thorough refutation of the Frost account of how we got to the Protocol in his introduction to the Policy Exchange paper (blaming Whitehall and the Benn-Burt Act).
Some of us have been making the point @Bill_Esterson draws attention to for some time. See the HoL Internal Market Select Committee in April 2020 and my comments on it uksala.org/house-of-lords…
The Committee commented that “It is troubling that no one we heard from thought that the UK Government had a clear understanding of what state aid provisions it had signed up to in the Protocol”.
This was my evidence (and this is not controversial on the law).
Frost asks the question why the May government - in the 2017 joint report - accepted that alignment with some EU rules would be needed to avoid checks and infrastructure on the Irish border.
There is an obvious answer to that question: that (the famous Trilemma) that the only ways of avoiding checks/infrastructure at the Irish border were (1)to align with EU customs/goods rules in NI, with checks/infrastructure over the Irish Sea or (2) UK alignment with those rules.
1. The key phrase in Castex’ letter wasn’t accurately translated by @alexwickham and nuance was lost. Nuance matters in diplomatic letters (see eg how the Franco Prussian war broke out).
2. The French government (which knows rather a lot about diplomacy and careful drafting) must have known that the phrase (even accurately translated) would wind up the current government and its outriders (and that an inaccurate translation was quite likely).
As today is Reformation Day (95 theses nailed to the door of Wittenberg church etc), a good day to recommend a fascinating set of @GreshamCollege lectures on the English Reformation by Alex Ryrie.
Link here to the one on the “Tudor Reformation” (how the Tudor State used the rupture to grab and centralise power*). gresham.ac.uk/lectures-and-e…
But also recommend (particularly) the ones on the Unwanted Reformation (how spectacularly unpopular it was), the Catholic Reformation (an intriguing road not taken), and the Anglican Reformation (not till 1660 at the earliest).