A thread on one of the most intriguing but which will probably remain unexplored, factors in the 2022 campaign. Federalism. Interesting FM Jr. pick the Partido Federal instead of the KBL or NP to whom his family has had long-standing affiliations.
KBL is out because it brings back too many bad memories and NP is out because since the Laurels conveyed it to the Villars, it isn't wholly-owned by the Marcoses (and brings up the KBL, with thew Laurels keeping it alive).
FM Jr. has blown hot and cold on Federalism but this article quotes him accurately on his father: "Federalism was not new to the country, Marcos said, because it was adopted by his father,.. when the Interim Batasang Pambansa was created." newsinfo.inquirer.net/929263/federal…
(From Philippine Electoral Almanac) Here is the division of the country into regions, on the basis of which, Assemblymen (Members of Parliament) were elected in 1978. It was a brief experiment in fundamentally redrawing political borders within the country.
(From Electoral Almanac) By 1984 the experiment was over, Assemblymen (Members of Parliament) elected in 1984 represented provinces. Regions exist to this day, but as a shadowy remnant relevant mainly to the bureaucracy.
What even FM couldn't escape was the territorial confines of existing provinces and the political calculus of gerrymandering to divide-and-rule: Quezon province and Moro areas being hotbeds of rebellion and thus needed to be broken up, politically (see shaded areas).
To be sure, Federalism is an old idea; but the details often derail it: first problem, which are regions? Aguinaldo proposed the stars: LuzViMin; but even in the Visayas, there were different states that actually briefly existed (see details on striped areas).
In many ways, even as we've sought to redraw our internal political map, the whole mapping exercise is part historical accident, part warped evolution (warped because short-sightedly pushed forward by parochial political concerns). quezon.ph/2017/06/12/spo…
But at the same time, it's an idea that returns with regularity and in the past 20 years or so, with greater conviction, as I've been observing since 2009. quezon.ph/2009/07/10/not…
Anyway, here is a summary of Federalism as an idea, and its proposals in principle, from an #InquirerBriefing from 2017.
Proponents can change their mind over time (Rizal did). The details can be revealing. Rizal for example may have come close to how French Revolution dissolved old provinces and created entirely new ones. Regions came close to this. facebook.com/notes/90633143…
But again, the ambitions of Regions collided with the existing political geography of clans who define themselves and their territory by provinces. Whether FM's Regions as they've evolved today, or Pimentel's Federal Scheme, they're still arbitrary.
The current President had as thorough a mandate as anyone, to pursue the idea; it was shot down lot least by his own economic team and it seems Congress too, came to have its own misgivings. Yet outside officialdom the idea still has currency and it's that constituency addressed.
It's addressed because it appeals to two geographies, however minor in scale, that still adds to the Marcos coalition: Visayas and Mindanao. It's a pitch to current Federalism orphans abandoned by the President. Cost-free, because the FM Jr. campaign hasn't made it a core plank.

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More from @mlq3

28 Nov
I first noticed this, touring some school teachers around a museum in the 1990s, that some of the fiercest loyalists are public school teachers.
I once talked to a lady whose work for many years was in values education and support for public school teachers. She said this was a tremendous shortcoming of schoolteachers. I asked her, since when? Teachers used to be pillars of their communities. She replied, "martial law"...
And I asked, why? She replied: because with the dictatorship the regular change over of management ended; people overstayed and any promotion was strictly on the basis of not just toeing the party line, but expressing enthusiasm for the dictatorship. The corrosive effect of this
Read 6 tweets
26 Nov
Along thread with a Friday reflection on family, power, change, and country. With a lot of readings. It begins with something I heard Paulynn Paredes Sicam say in a peace advocates’ forum close to 20 years ago: for change to become permanent, she said, you need ten years…
In a fundamental way I think shortening Marcos’ rule to “20 years” is misleading; it was 7 years of democratic rule and 13 of dictatorship. The distinction is important and requires a bit of explanation. The 1st phase was within the confines of institutions and precedents;
The 2nd phase was without limits and even more fundamentally, without the possibility of establishing a succession because despots cannot risk it; if democracies are about succession, dictatorship is about elimination.
Read 39 tweets
25 Nov
Thoughts on candidates and platforms, a thread. I really think 2010 was the last election in which all the candidates had detailed thought-out platforms, the end of a political road that began in 1935. mlq3.tumblr.com/post/130462282…
In fact referring to this example from 1935 reveals some basic realities of platforms in the PH political experience. This one was the platform of the winning candidates who ran as coalition candidates. archive.org/details/WhiteB…
The coalition consisting of two major parties (that had once been one party) meant the platform was a compromise document designed not only to appeal to voters but also as a basis for unity of parties that had different POV.
Read 10 tweets
25 Nov
Here you could make a strong case contrasting the pseudoimperialist policy of Marcos complete with proclamations, to Marcos Jr’s defeatism. Another would be to ask him about FM’s declaration PH would drop Sabah claim. Potentially interesting question(s) for presidential debates.
What do I mean by Marcos’s pseudoimperialism? Why let me give you examples from previous threads. 1.
Read 4 tweets
24 Nov
My column today argues at its core, a weak presidency cultivated an image of strength enough to sap the vitality of national institutions including parties. Local parties filled the resulting power vacuum changing the political landscape. opinion.inquirer.net/146772/barons-… Image
When the history of this admin's written, one will see how its chest-thumping disguised its inability to actually effect political change. Example: like all admins, it postponed barangay polls, but failed its ultimate objective, to appoint barangay OIC's. opinion.inquirer.net/107441/go-grow…
Another element that will prove to have mattered politically was the President's own limited attention and support to candidates: he only ever truly cared for a few at a time, which ensured they'd be outnumbered in the end. opinion.inquirer.net/119512/all-roa…
Read 7 tweets
23 Nov
Interesting! Image
It has a nice mayo-mustard dressing (but needs a lot more). More heavily flavored than the Zinger which is most comparable rival. Tasty and nice bun, but I think Zinger would do better in the still tasty even if cold department.
There is also a hidden pickle.
Read 4 tweets

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