A couple of thoughts about this proposal, floated in today’s Times, for an annual “‘Interpretation Bill’ to strike out findings from judicial reviews with which the government does not agree”. thetimes.co.uk/article/boris-…
As written, that sentence raises more questions than it answers. What is meant by a “strike out a finding”?
If “finding” means “a ruling about what the law is” and “strike out” means “change the law” than that is not exactly revolutionary. If judges rule that legislation means “X” but Parliament doesn’t like X, then Parliament can change the law. (This happens all the time in tax law.)
The novelty would appear to be that there would be an annual Bill that would be a vehicle for such things (just as the annual Finance Bill is a vehicle for changing tax law when it’s been interpreted in a way the government thinks problematic).
One wonders whether there’d be enough to fill it: one reason why “controversial” rulings aren’t *already* “corrected” is that writing down in statute what the government wants in terms of a “correction” is often either hard or looks hopelessly unattractive or both.
(Eg the problem with changing the ruling in Evans - that there was no power to overrule the courts’ judgment on the public interest balance in FOI cases, is that you have to write a clause making it crystal clear that the government could overrule the courts.
Even in this Parliament, such a clause - an attempt at which has been prepared by the “Judicial Power Project” might well get a rough ride.
And if you want to “correct” Unison then you need a clause that frankly explains that fees can be set so high as to unreasonably limit access to justice (again, the JPP obliges). Again, even the current Parliament might choke on that one.
But it’s hard to object, on constitutional principle, to the idea that Parliament should be given the chance to change the law when judges have interpreted it in a way that Parliament thinks isn’t satisfactory.
(One of the serious, perhaps even fatal, structural problems with the US Constitution is, after all, that it’s just too hard to reverse by democratic means a judicial interpretation of the constitution that is hopelessly unsatisfactory.)
If this *is* the government’s idea then the vital thing to look out for is any idea that ministers get a new power to “correct” judicial interpretations without going through the normal legislative process. That would be an unacceptable augmentation of executive power.
But the hapless phrase “strike out findings” in the Times article might mean something else. Any attempt to correct findings of fact or applications of the law to particular facts (eg to “strike out” a finding that a decision was tainted by apparent bias) would be unacceptable.
One would like to think that even the current government would shy away from that. Unfortunately, it’s hard to be completely confident.

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More from @GeorgePeretzQC

3 Dec
Thinking about this in terms of pleading a case, what the current government is essentially doing is “non admission”: refusing to make a positive or negative case on the core factual issue (“was there a party in No 10 on 19/12/20?”).
However, non-admission isn’t sustainable in litigation if the person taking that line holds all the relevant evidence and is in a position to know whether the allegation is true or false.
As is the case here: the minister’s complaint about “rumour” doesn’t (and can’t) land because the government knows the facts and is able to confirm or refute the rumour.
Read 4 tweets
3 Dec
This is very good, and makes important points about regulation.
This is true and important. And see Stephen Weatherill’s piece. eulawanalysis.blogspot.com/2017/01/what-i…
And this is good on a central problem that the TCA fails even to begin to address in any adequate way: the classic FTA model is, compared to single market membership, wholly deficient in dealing with regulatory and services barriers. Net result: *more*, not less, red tape.
Read 4 tweets
21 Nov
A brief explanation of what appears to be going on here. telegraph.co.uk/politics/2021/…
(NB medicines regulation is complex: I am trying to summarise accurately but do not rely!)
The effect of the Protocol is to put NI into the EU medicines regime.
Read 23 tweets
19 Nov
A thread on levelling up: it’s a constitutional issue.
Start with a good summary of the problem with the current government’s approach by @MarvinJRees, Mayor of Bristol. Lack of coordination and games of “scrambles”. (From modernleft.substack.com/p/bristol-mayo…) ImageImageImage
Then this, by a group of authors for @UKandEU ukandeu.ac.uk/regional-local…
Read 9 tweets
19 Nov
Remember that the EU offered the current government a mobility chapter that would have allowed short term work eg by young people without much 💰 keen on ⛷ or 🏝 or improving their languages. But ultra-Brexitist dogma said “no”. independent.co.uk/news/uk/politi…
So young Brits (those without an 🇮🇪 grandparent or other EU citizenship) are denied opportunities open to every other young person west of Belarus.
None of this was a necessary consequence of Brexit, as this lead campaigner pointed out. telegraph.co.uk/politics/2016/…
Read 5 tweets
18 Nov
What this story told to @JamesCrisp6 *appears* to mean is that the Commission would no longer bring infraction proceedings against the UK in relation to NI (cases where the Commission brings a State before the ECJ where the Commission thinks it has breached EU law).
Article 12(4) of the Protocol means that the U.K. is subject to such proceedings (in relation to the application of customs, goods, VAT and State rules) under the Protocol as if it were a Member State. Image
Wouldn’t that mean rewriting Article 12(4) (rewriting being ruled out by the EU)?
Read 8 tweets

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