After >2 years of research on #humanitarian #inclusion at @hpg_odi, we’re finally starting to pull everything together. We’re not quite there yet, but about ready to share some of our workings-out… 1/17 (yes, yes I know, buckle up etc.)
First, what are we talking about here? As @VeroBarbelet and Caitlin Wake lay out here, #inclusion can be broken down into:
1️⃣ Equitable access,
2️⃣ Specific and diverse needs,
3️⃣ Participation
4️⃣ Impartiality 2/17 odi.org/en/publication…
So, aid is inclusive when access barriers removed, when it’s sensitive to different needs, when (different) people have a chance to shape how it’s delivered, and reaches the most urgent cases. Basically, inclusion is 𝗼𝗽𝗲𝗿𝗮𝘁𝗶𝗼𝗻𝗮𝗹𝗶𝘀𝗶𝗻𝗴 𝗶𝗺𝗽𝗮𝗿𝘁𝗶𝗮𝗹𝗶𝘁𝘆 3/17
When thinking about these different aspects, we need to keep in mind:
𝗛𝗼𝘄 exclusion happens – it’s the result of people doing things to other people
𝗥𝗶𝗴𝗵𝘁𝘀 – exclusion happens when they are violated or ignored
4/17
Keeping up? Of course you are. Right, so what did we find in our research in
🇳🇬 Nigeria (IDPs in Maidiguri)
🇧🇩 Bangladesh (Rohingya refugees in Cox's Bazar)
🇯🇴 Jordan (Syrian refugees in Amman)
🇵🇭 Philippines (Mindano complex crisis) 5/17
🚨 𝗙𝗶𝗻𝗱𝗶𝗻𝗴 𝟭: 𝗨𝗻𝗱𝗲𝗿𝘀𝘁𝗮𝗻𝗱𝗶𝗻𝗴 𝗶𝗻𝗰𝗹𝘂𝘀𝗶𝗼𝗻 𝗶𝘀 𝗻𝗮𝗿𝗿𝗼𝘄 + 𝘁𝗲𝗰𝗵𝗻𝗼𝗰𝗿𝗮𝘁𝗶𝗰
•Fragmentation over mainstreaming
•Symptoms over causes
•Micro over macro
•Needs over rights
6/17
So as @VeroBarbelet, @sndeall and @grace_onubedo found in Nigeria, focus on individual vulnerabilities great, but what if you can’t reach entire population groups (e.g. men + boys) or serve them effectively? odi.org/en/publication… 7/17
𝗙𝗶𝗻𝗱𝗶𝗻𝗴 𝟮: 𝗜𝗻𝗰𝗹𝘂𝘀𝗶𝗼𝗻 𝗿𝗮𝗿𝗲𝗹𝘆 𝗮 𝗽𝗿𝗶𝗼𝗿𝗶𝘁𝘆 𝗳𝗿𝗼𝗺 𝘁𝗵𝗲 𝘀𝘁𝗮𝗿𝘁
• Often left to 'later', but that's a false economy
• Leadership is weak
• Not clear who’s accountable: too much reliance on specialists like @TranslatorsWB or @CBM_Global
8/17
Tempting to think that things will stabilise, and then we can focus on the inclusion stuff, but that’s when 💲💵 runs out, politics get hard, or things go sideways in some unexpected way. Many responses end up ‘running to stay still’ for years. 9/17
🚨 𝗙𝗶𝗻𝗱𝗶𝗻𝗴 𝟯: 𝗚𝗼𝘁𝘁𝗮 𝗲𝗻𝗴𝗮𝗴𝗲 𝘄𝗶𝘁𝗵 𝗹𝗼𝗰𝗮𝗹 𝗰𝗼𝗺𝗺𝘂𝗻𝗶𝘁𝘆 𝗱𝘆𝗻𝗮𝗺𝗶𝗰𝘀
•Humanitarian views on inclusion ≠ community views
•Local brokers translate external concepts in good + bad ways
•Top-down control can drive exclusion
10/17
In 🇵🇭 Mindanao @J0hn_Bryant, @icafernandez + Bam Baranguir are looking at how ‘vulnerability categories’ clash with local idea of "langkap" (closest to 'inclusion' in Tagalog), which is dynamic: starts with triage of most urgent cases, then expands to cover whole community 11/17
🚨 𝗙𝗶𝗻𝗱𝗶𝗻𝗴 𝟰: 𝗚𝗼𝘁𝘁𝗮 𝗲𝗻𝗴𝗮𝗴𝗲 𝘄𝗶𝘁𝗵 𝘁𝗵𝗲 𝘀𝗼𝗰𝗶𝗼-𝗽𝗼𝗹𝗶𝘁𝗶𝗰𝗮𝗹 𝗲𝗻𝘃𝗶𝗿𝗼𝗻𝗺𝗲𝗻𝘁
• Humanitarians keep ignoring history of crises
• Structural issues affect not just ‘beneficiaries’ but other vulnerable groups (especially in urban crises)
12/17
As @AlexandraSpen25, @DannyCoyle, Mohammed Abdullah Jainul + Hrithika Barua found in the 🇧🇩 Rohingya crisis, ‘accountability/feedback’ = inadequate when people long denied right to education + free speech, and institutions + civil society undermined 13/17 odi.org/en/publication…
Meanwhile in 🇯🇴 Jordan, @AmandaLouGray and Marcus Langley are looking at how Jordan Compact’s focus on Syrian refugees is actively hurting non-Syrian refugees and the non-Syrian migrant workers that live in the same communities. 14/17
Final thoughts: inclusion doesn’t mean meeting all needs, all the time (💲💵 and ⌛⏲️ are finite). Will always be about 𝘵𝘳𝘢𝘥𝘦-𝘰𝘧𝘧𝘴 on who/where most urgent cases are. These need to be:
- Negotiated (inclusively!)
- Transparent
- Evidence-based
- Open to revision
15/17
That’s where we’re at. Very keen to hear thoughts at this stage. In the new year we’re aiming to carry on some of the work we did with ISAC at @LEP_HNPW and work towards practical recommendations on where to go from here. 16/17 odi.org/en/publication…
Lastly, none of this would have remotely been possible without the support of the organisations we’ve worked with in each country: @Neem_foundation, @WISE_Nigeria and @AUNigeria in 🇳🇬 Nigeria; @IOMBangladesh in 🇧🇩 Cox’s Bazar; and @AR_Renaissance in 🇯🇴 Jordan. You guys rock 17/17

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