When GOP-appointed federal judges use—or allude to—the non-delegation doctrine to justify blocking Biden admin actions, they deprive a Democratic White House of executive powers as blatantly as GOP lawmakers who stripped powers from governors in WI & NC. bloomberg.com/news/articles/…
The judge who issued the order to block the vaccination standard for federal contractors (excerpted below, at left): a Trump appointee. The judge who authored the order to block the vaccination standard for health-care workers (below, at right): a Trump appointee.
The non-delegation doctrine has lain dead and buried in the stacks of American case law for more than eight decades — and as @nicholas_bagley has written, it lacks any foundation in our knowledge of the Founders’ intent. theatlantic.com/ideas/archive/…
Just as surely as GOP lawmakers using lame-duck sessions to strip power from incoming Dem governors, the judges invoking non-delegation aren’t doing so out of philosophical consistency. They’re grabbing for it as a convenient partisan weapon. jsonline.com/story/news/pol…
The goal in each case: the removal of powers, after Dems won popular mandates, whose use had been assumed legitimate.
But GOP partisans today, unlike those in WI (see below), needn’t dirty their hands. They can stand & watch as the federal judiciary strips power from a Dem WH.
In other words, federal judges who invoke the long discredited non-delegation doctrine have stepped into a role GOP lawmakers themselves now play, when the GOP loses statewide office: restricting the ability of duly elected Dems to govern.
Count this judicial revising of presidential powers as another tool in the right-wing effort to entrench minority rule. Sure, voters may have chosen a Dem president—but GOP-appointed judges, at the behest of GOP litigants, can seek to make functional Dem governance impossible.
The extent to which know-it-all scolds erase the Latinx people *who identify as Latinx* from the discourse — treating the word as the coinage of ivory-tower intellectuals and lefty nonprofits instead — is f’ing wild.
I get and respect the data on the politics of using the word. What I can’t abide is the complete whitewash of how the term originated with queer, genderqueer and non-binary people of Latin descent. See @jpbrammer here: them.us/story/latinx-i…
It’s not my place to police the word or recommend it’s usage, but I can damned well tell people to cut it out with the fiction that ‘Latinx’ sprang into being as some alien construct wholly unknown by people of Latin or Hispanic descent. Just f’ing stop it.
Appalling to see confirmation of Trump’s reckless endangerment of others with his shouty first-debate performance — but also, to say it with a GIF in AAVE …
Old enough to remember when Republicans sought laws to punish people for knowingly spreading a pandemic viral disease.
What we already knew then was also true: those laws were written to stigmatize certain communities, not out of care for public health. vox.com/the-highlight/…
The philosophy, as I wrote this week in the context of today’s scheduled oral argument at SCOTUS over the fate of Roe: their bodies, their choice. Everybody else’s bodies: also their choice. nytimes.com/2021/11/29/opi…
Not to get all high and mighty, but “the job of [a] brother, sister, mother, father, daughter, [or] son” is to hold immediate kin accountable when they do harm — preferably before that harm has public, never mind legal, consequences.
There’s a difference between love and blind loyalty. When it works right, familial love requires an effort to save our relatives from screwing up — and to guard others from the consequences of said screw-ups.
Pulling out all the stops to shield family from consequences for ongoing wrongs isn’t “love,” it’s tribalism. It’s a pure state-of-nature vision of “love,” in which the banishment of moral concern for the welfare of becomes a familial virtue — “the job,” so to speak.
One of the worst annoyances I’ve encountered in progressive politics is how some people and institutions, when push comes to shove, eschew the values they preach in public.
If progressive leaders say they want paid family leave—or want workers to have the freedom to organize for good pay & working conditions—it undermines the movement to say, when people in progressive institutions ask for those things, “maybe this isn’t the line of work for you.”
Maybe, to be charitable, such leaders forget that they got into this work to show that a better world is possible. Maybe.
Still, it’s incumbent on our institutions to _demonstrate_ that a better world, that a better way of working, is possible.
The U.S. has the worst maternal mortality rate among wealthy countries, as the NYT has documented (nytimes.com/2018/04/11/mag…) — and outcomes are worse for Black and Latina people, thanks in part to implicit bias among health providers.
The average new car price in the U.S. is ≥ $40K (wsj.com/articles/car-m…). For many in the working class, such prices are unaffordable — but they still need a way to commute to work. Ebikes can provide these workers a lifeline.
But sure, let’s write their needs off as ‘niche.’
By labeling as ‘niche’ trees for lower-income neighborhoods that have disproportionately bare tree canopies, doulas for people of color, and bikes for commuters—while sparing hulking subsidies for electric SUVs—NYT editors subtly indicate what audience they shape the paper for.
This thread is correct. The Texas blackout — the result of derelict regulations — not only claimed dozens of lives. It also made the global chip shortage, currently inflating prices in sectors from cars to appliances, dramatically worse.
A story can be told about how Republican policies — such as the decade of negligence that led to the Texas blackout — contributed to the price surges now afflicting Americans’ budgets. But Democrats have to tell it.