In 1891, New York State passes a bill to allow the thing to be built. As the price of getting it passed, Albany Republicans, fearful that Tammany will get their greedy, corrupt little fingers on the funding, sets up a rapid transit commission stuffed with good government types
The commission is very, very concerned that everything will only be done in the Best Possible Way, and as a result, they chase their own tails for the better part of a decade, in part because the streetcar companies use procedural tricks to jam them up.
Around 1898, the Tammany machine reclaims NYC's mayoralty, points out that it would be good if the commission could, you know, hand out a contract to maybe build some subways. Tammany of course has an ulterior motive: the machine wants to award the contract to their pet operator
Governor Roosevelt manages to keep them from just giving the subways away to their friends. But two years later, there is actually a contracting process. Which is ... won by a contractor with deep connections to Tammany Hall.
McDonald, the contractor, has no money, but is backed by August Belmont, who has too much of it, having recently been turfed out of a couple of choice Wall Street deals.
The first line is built in 4 years, half as long as the commission took to get around to awarding a contract
The great building phase of the NYC subway occurred under the reign of Tammany boss Charles Murphy. After his death in 1924, Tammany's power begins to wane, and in the 1930s, Franklin Roosevelt (who had battled Tammany as governor) finally breaks its back.
Perhaps not coincidentally, the subway largely goes into maintenance mode. The big builder of the succeeding decades was Robert Moses, who was a master at accumulating centralized power to himself, not to make a buck, but because he was kind of a megalomaniac.
Progressives figure out how to stymie that, too. Government is now larded with so many anti-corruption measures and community review points to make sure nothing goes wrong that it is almost impossible to make anything go at all.
The reformers weren't wrong about the abuses they were trying to curb. They just massively underestimated how costly it would be to prevent them. The best way to prevent anyone from abusing the building process is just not to build anything.
That's not literally where we are, but it does sometime seem like that's where places like NYC and SF are headed.
Anyway, longtime readers may be familiar with my old twitter thread: the optimal amount of fraud is never zero.
The optimal amount of ill-considered megaprojects that disrupt settled communities to ego-stroke overweening bureaucrats is also not zero.
The way to fix this is to worry less about corruption, and much less about community review. But Dems, who control the govs with the biggest problems, would have to blow up the veto points that local activists use to stymie building or jack up its costs to untenable levels
And those activists are also extremely influential in the party. The old neighborhood clubs that used to provide the footsoldiers of the party--and connect the party firmly to its roots--have now been replaced by professionals, and activists. The activists LOOOOOOVE their vetos.
And of course, the vetos, when described to ordinary voters, sound very reasonable and good. Who could be against communities having a voice in whether a highway or a water tunnel is run through their neighborhood?
What sort of monster would want to curtail the environmental review process? What if your stupid new railyard destroys the only remaining habitat of an endangered fish? WHAT IF YOUR PORT EXPANSION POISONS THE WATER AND CHILDREN DIE?????
If you leave the veto points and the onerous procedures in place, everything else you can do seems pretty marginal.
That's not to say you have to say "Let politicians and planners do whatever they want, with no accountability".
But accountability should be to voters, afterward.
If voters don't like the crap infrastructure you built, or think they didn't get value for money, they can fire the politicians who oversaw it.
If you try to ensure, ex ante, that nothing bad will ever happen, you may end up ensuring that nothing ever happens, good or bad.
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Yes, it is both true that most of the women who have abortions are low income, and that educated women are much more supportive of permissive abortion law than women without a college diploma.
How do we explain this? Well, for starters, the majority of women at any income level haven't had an abortion, and variation in opinion among those who haven't may explain the difference.
Or maybe those who have regretted it. Or maybe they think the law should be different. I don't know, and can only get so far by consulting my own imagination.
I see claims like this a lot, but Sweden has basically the same abortion rate as the United States, and within the US, our deepest blue states make up half of the top 10, and all of the top 3, for per capita abortions.
I don't say that being deep blue causes a high abortion rate, but the evidence that sex ed or free contraception makes abortion unnecessary is surprisingly weak. Cultural and institutional factors seem to matter more than sex ed programs per se.
I suspect there are threshold effects: if people are truly ignorant, or contraception completely unavailable, changing policy makes a huge difference. But once they know where babies come from and where to buy condoms, other effects dominate sex ed or contraception subsidies.
This is a symptom of a broader problem with how American elites approach diversity. We emphasize certain kinds of demographic diversity a lot--which, yay!--but forget that highly educated professionals are unrepresentative of basically any demographic group they belong to.
Their interests, tastes, needs, and outlook all diverge significantly from the average member of their demographic group. And like all of us, they often tend to be blind to the fact that the things that matter most to them are not necessarily what others most care about.
Looking at abortion opinion, it's actually quite striking how little men and women differ on this question. The whole pro-life is about men telling women what to do with their bodies" schtick simply isn't grounded in reality. news.gallup.com/poll/245618/ab…
Women are somewhat more likely to say abortion should be legal under all circumstances, but that's a minority view among women as well as men. The percentage of men and who say it should be illegal in all circumstances is fluctuates right around 20%, male or female
Men are more likely to self-id as pro-life, and women as pro-choice, but when you drill down into specifics, it's clear this stems from differences in labeling quite similar views.
I just filed a column on how Twitter is a bottomless cesspool of negativity, so let me offer something positive and helpful: the endless braise.
If you're like me, you have a few basic braise recipes in constant circulation all winter. In my case: A tomatillo-based pork braise. A raisin-wine-worcester-and-celery oxtail braise loosely based on a reconstruction of an ancient roman dish. A tomato-wine-and-soy pot roast. Etc.
We always have liquid left over at the end. So instead of throwing it away, or just thickening and serving with pasta or tortillas, I freeze it, and use it to start the next batch.
It's all part of a cycle. In the 18th and early 19th centuries, floors were covered in rich houses, but as carpets got cheaper, they filtered down to the middle class and then the working class, whereupon the rich decided the hardwood or tile floor was more tasteful.
Late in the 19th century, broadloom carpet--aka the stuff we think of as wall to wall carpeting--was invented. If you look at rich people apartments in 1930s movies, they're all covered in broadloom.
Broadloom is quiet, warm, and gives a smooth "Modern" look to those Art Deco places. However, it was vulnerable to the same cycle: as manufacturing improved and synthetics came along, broadloom got cheap. Then it got ubiquitous. Then rich people decided it was declasse.