The idea that Partition and Pakistan led to a radical India – thus hardly vindicating Jinnah – is an interesting one, as is the idea that things would have been different otherwise.

But this sidesteps the lived reality of both places for a weak counterfactual. Short thread:
The theory is an old one, but is often used to externalize India’s internal tensions. Congress, in dazed retreat since 2014, uses it to justify its own electoral decline. ‘If Pakistan had not been created,’ Shashi Tharoor says, ‘could India become what it is today?'
The first problem is the obvious one: it’s a counterfactual, meaning we have zero evidence. We’ve no way of knowing what would happen if the Archduke had survived, or if the Nazis had won (we do have actual fun facts though: like how Hindutva’s genesis lies in European fascism).
The second problem is that it assumes India doesn't have a staggering number of Muslims all by itself: the third-most in the world, and it may top that list by 2050.

Yet its only Muslim-majority ‘territory’ is an open prison called Kashmir, courtesy the secular Nehru.
Even UP, with its 43 million Muslims, has been handed over to garden-variety extremists like Yogi Adityanath. The 2014 election that brought in Modi was the first time since independence that the state didn’t return a single Muslim legislator to the Lok Sabha.
This is connected to the third problem: bad math. Pakistan’s far-left and far-right feel undivided India would’ve meant strength in numbers, preventing Muslim marginalisation.

But the first-past-the-post system destroys Muslim representation (not that they vote en bloc anyway).
Fourth, there was no Partition, no Pakistan, and no BJP during the 1930s, when Congress’s treatment of Muslims was so appalling, it breathed fresh life into Muslim separatism, and irreversibly set Jinnah on course for the Lahore Resolution.
Fifth, there was no Partition, no Pakistan, and no BJP during the 1946 election, when the Muslim League swept Punjab with 73 seats, but was still denied forming government by Hindu majoritarians.

Punjab was handed over to Khizar Hayat Tiwana’s boys instead. Riots ensued.
Sixth, Jinnah’s whole life was a repudiation of the Congress lie: that there would be space for progressive, pro-unity Muslims in a free India. That was his starting point too. Instead, he saw Congress become a populist beast: ahimsa, dharma, satyagraha. Pakistan was the way out.
Jinnah has since been distorted by conservatives as a start-to-end freedom diehard, and over-interpreted by unionist liberals as an anti-Partition gambler that was part of the problem. Both takes are false.

But that's another topic altogether, and requires a book, not a thread.
To India's extent, Jinnah was vindicated long ago. That critics like Shashi – and the anti-Partition school here – are left now only with historical what-ifs, makes this plain.

And yet all of this is cold comfort: the reality of Pakistan continues to fail Jinnah every day.

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More from @AsadRahim

9 Nov 20
I demonstrate that a 19-year-long occupation that's tried everything and won nothing must stay until it achieves something. We need more war until there is more peace, hence more war. Not leaving forever is not the same thing as staying forever.

In this essay I will-
The trademark thing about the Bush-Cheney wars was using circular, bureaucratic language to finesse acts of war and death.

'Absence of evidence isn't evidence of absence.'
'Unknown knowns: things you know that you did not.'

Both Rumsfeld gems, harder to fall for in 2020.
This article goes on to argue that staying will help 'maintain the gains made in women’s rights, human rights, and democracy – all values we hold dear.'

Studies show 1 in 3 female soldiers were raped by their male colleagues while in US military service. aljazeera.com/features/2011/…
Read 4 tweets
8 Nov 20
Pakistan's new hope of the month seems to be Joe Biden, vice-president to an administration that slaughtered the single largest number of Pakistanis in history.

Native informants already urge him to support civil liberties here (which he used to do with Hellfire missiles).
Drone fans reframe this by calling out Pakistanis' (i.e. their own) complicity.

But Musharraf & Co. was a rentier regime that opened up airbases, pointed at maps, and collected 'bounty money' for the citizens it handed over to Bush's black sites.

Pakistanis never wanted this.
Same for Zardari-era democrats, now beholden to public opinion, who lied and lied until WikiLeaks.

That best that drone fans can come up with is that 100s of civilian murders by the Obama admin had brutal Pakistani enablers.

It did. That doesn't change what you're supporting.
Read 4 tweets
10 Aug 20
It's heartening to see less and less acceptance of old 9/11 era tropes for Pakistan. Think-tanks abroad sadly continue to encourage its study through three prisms: Af-Pak, civ-mil, and the Bomb, with a perverse sliding scale for 'democracy', in use since the Bush days.
Back then, democracy was whatever suited the neocon consensus: rentier land links (Pakistan), sectarian militias (Iraq), even narco-states (Karzai's Afghanistan).

It also magically excluded Pax Americana's elected enemies, like Hamas in Palestine or the Brotherhood in Egypt.
With empire in decline, and Pakistan finally pivoting away from the DC-Langley nightmare it found itself in (see 2011), that worldview is losing relevance. It lingers, however, through what Nesrine Malik more generally calls 'native informants'.
Read 12 tweets
3 May 20
Cover of the weekly Nusrat from 12 January 1969, featuring Malik Meraj Khalid.

This is from the late Marghoob Raza's wonderful collection of left-leaning magazines from the late '60s and '70s, preserved by the generous Mansoor Raza.

This edition brings to mind a few thoughts.
The debate being had right now is whether or not ethno-separatist terrorists – the ones that spend most of their time shooting up buses and killing schoolteachers – deserve the same space as genuine, disenfranchised leftists. It also shows how debased that debate has become.
Not that the left ever had it easy in this part of the world. The religious right was its natural enemy; the cartel class knocked it dead; and military rule was, by nature, reactionary. The eyeball-melting brutality of the Soviets next door didn't much add to the romance.
Read 18 tweets
6 Dec 19
What drives a historian, one as thoughtful as Guha, to keep crying wolf about an imaginary Pakistan, even as Modi's dollar store Nazis rip apart his own country?

Some thoughts.
To save everyone time, Professor @Le_Sabre54 summed it up best here (besides being the genesis of 'dollar store Nazis').
@Le_Sabre54 But on we must go, with this thought experiment.

In fairness to him, Mr. Guha wasn't always this way – he called out whataboutery when he saw it. Here he hints that India's neurosis might not be Pakistan's.

(Of course, Modi hadn't become PM yet.)

Read 13 tweets

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