dikgaj Profile picture
Jan 6, 2022 15 tweets 5 min read Read on X
1) Many problems actually. Start with "no difficulty". For advocates, of necessity one side will fail even if seemingly having "no difficulty". If s/he fails too many times, s/he wont hv clients, and wont need to argue. No such market or otherwise fail-criteria to judge judges.
2) In fact judiciary is so far above critical assessment, that there is a de facto absence of answerability or assessment that is independent of themselves. The only body in a democratic state with power over others without any independent oversight or accountability to the ppl.
3) that "no difficulty" claim becomes even more of a self-certification for judges than for the advocate - whom, it is expected, that at the least market forces will assess whether she/he is really in "no difficulty" or otherwise.
4) while politicians can really stay on in political positions of the state beyond an official retirement age, the factor working in their favour is that they are subject to people's will, and can be removed from power by the people if judged to be in "difficulty".
5) in a democracy, no position that has power over people, but is unaccountable to the people and gets position without getting through the representation process - should be allowed to be indefinite or long in term. It develops an autonomy that subverts the power of the people.
6) limitation of term of those who dont come through the representative process of democracy and remain unaccountable to the ppl ensures that individual preferences, latent leanings that go against the people's interests or desires - don't get to impose themselves for long.
7) on a lighter note, things hv not moved a single bit from 24th May, 1949 - when Constituent Assembly debated, among other things -how "old men" like the members themselves were more energetic and more efficient than "young men". Here follows a few enlightening bits. RK Sidbha
Sidbha continues his inimitable logic:
Anathasayanam Ayiangar thinks by definition "maturity" comes by age alone, young men should not come in the way of "judges" and "do other things" - only "old men" must be chosen (only one member even mentioned women as a possibility - I will leave readers to find that gem)
Nehru is most revealing: his "method", the use of incomparables pretending they are equivalent, for ex Einstein=judge, placing his "experiments" had a similar direct handle on ppl's lives as that of a judge. He was never ashamed of his admiration of the British systems anyway:
Nehru is aware of the incomparables he is smoothly passing off as equivalent: where he shrewdly acknowledges formal possibility of accountability and removal by people for "old men" politicians themselves, but glosses over the fact that ppl will hv no such power on the judges:
Now follows the naysayers: Jaspat Kapoor is not convinced by the "raise", and in contrast to the others going gaga over British patriarchs, or US or Canadian lords, interestingly invokes the very Hindu concept of ashrams or stages of life:
while commenting on the desire for "raise", Satish Chandra acidly remarks on the "highest" - among countries - minimum age bar for membership of legislature, giving a sense of almost visceral distrust, envy or exclusion of "youth" from power,
Vishwanath Das counters the earlier logic of financial reasons given by pro-"raise" grp, by using their own repeated claims of the candidates being at peak performance and highest levels of earning - he also goes for the "Hindu" concept of Vanaprastha/Sannyas :
finally, it wd be an injustice to constituent assembly members not to cite B.Das - as contradiction to the much tomtom'd claim of constituent assembly debates supporting an implicit faith in the infallibility or suitability of judges. Not everyone shared in the adulation.

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More from @dikgaj

Dec 17, 2024
1) All borders are temporary compromises in space and time. Retreats and expansions are part of the process. Identities should not be linked to physical borders, even though never give up on territorial claims, even while retreating.
2) Country and nationhood are not identical, and they don’t have to be. However, their deviation from each other over long periods can only be resolved by the dissolution of one or the other, eventually leading to dissolution of both.
3) Sometimes existing power relations in a state form itself prevent the natural fulfilment of a nationhood. It becomes a state where every force within balances and wears the other out, paralysing the state. That is when the state itself becomes the greatest enemy of nationhood.
Read 5 tweets
Dec 9, 2024
1) Some observations. Hindus, (and all those in other identities who find themselves aligned closer to Hindus than their community leaders) should not rely only on the country’s army to stand fast against jihadi aggression. They might. They may fail. But a bigger issue remains.
2) the army is conditioned to obey superior command. Their first reaction will be to obey the order. If the order is to hold back, or retreat, bulk of them will follow. The greatest weakness in national armies before jihadis is the vacillation or betrayal of their commanders.
3) many hv argued with me on the most used defence of Indians in the British army of India, “the oath”. It’s not that oath was a novelty invented by the Brits, but Indians obviously wr not so shy about flipping oaths when they left defeated Hindu kings to join invaders.
Read 12 tweets
Sep 30, 2024
1) The E.Pak army could easily paralyse jihadis. Two reasons it won’t: such a move can provoke jihadis inside the army to revolt, 2nd, the longer jihadis rampage, better army’s case for not handing over power to elected parties. Current arrangement works for three key players.
2) the intention of international backers of E.Pakistan is to create a weak political regime (Ghazi Yunus is excellent for this with no real networks of power in a jihadist social base) dependent entirely on the army. As long as he can be the facade, army rule can’t be blamed.
3) with Yunus in facade, the army can protect jihadis so jihadis can be reassured to do what they do best: rape, arson, massacre, generally terrorise the population and impose mullah rule at all levels of society. Both Yunus and army have plausible deniability.
Read 7 tweets
Aug 19, 2024
1) Nice try. But USA, China, Pakistan form a threesome where India is concerned. Given all three’s record in attempting or managing to destabilise other countries, and all three’s links into Bangladesh, it’s a reasonable projection that they were involved.
2) Interim gov won’t go and can’t go against mullah networks in control of society. The interim gov wont displease an essentially Islamist society that has been consistently and increasingly Islamised under every Bangladeshi regime, via foreign agents, aid, and organisations.
3) anti-Hindu violence has always existed in Bangladesh/E.Pak and is just not a regime induced thing. it has support from underlying Islamist networks who see it as their traditional tool to clear an area of pre-Islamic natives, subjugated into serving jihadis lust and greed.
Read 4 tweets
Aug 11, 2024
1) Seemingly rational. But one has to be careful in giving rationale publicly to policies that help exactly what the enemy want. Here’s a long list of things here that range from wishful thinking to the dangerous. First is the line of appealing to reason in Islamic countries.
2) the two primary arguments of appeal to reason to jihadis here is that (a) absence of Hindus among them will lead to intra-Muslim conflict destroying Muslims as a whole. (b) modern technological progress doesn’t come from Quran, and Hindus among them can provide that.
3) this is a futile delusion that refuses the reality that all jihadis think of Hindus as Untermenschen, as prey, and internal conflict among Muslims can go alongside preying on Hindus, and is desirable to refine Muslim society to one pure imagined 7th c desert jiahdotopia.
Read 12 tweets
Jun 14, 2024
1) Such clarity does emerge in India too, but can only be expressed from outside India. There is an internal problem in Indian society and state because of its colonial derivative nature that deliberately sides with the jihadi simply out of fear and hatred of the majority.
2) the colonial intervention created a fundamental disruption between the majority common Hindu and the political, military, admin Hindu elite who inherited and adopted the world view of colonial masters that saw the common Hindu as the primary threat to their hold on state.
3) the societal memory of colonial abuse of power, reinforced by the post independence Hindu elite in power means the common Hindu still see their current state as effectively the same as the colonial one with no recourse left for them even through the judicial route.
Read 4 tweets

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