If I have one goal for 2022—I’m keeping my expectations REALLY low this orbit—it’s that the word “preprint” gets shredded, set on fire, launched into the sun, and purged from all uses past, present, and future.
Just call it a “working paper.”
“Preprint” sounds so official. First time I heard it, I honestly thought it meant the on-line version of a piece that was accepted for peer-reviewed publication, posted to the journal’s website before the hard copies come out.
I just means “working paper.”
It just means “potentially unreviewed pile of words and analysis anyone with access to an on-line repository can throw up on the internet and then use a needlessly misleading term to make sound more vetted than it is.”
It also highlights that conventional cost-benefit analyses of policing are simply invalid.
Almost all CBAs compare the fiscal outlay on policing to estimates of the social benefits of reduced victimization.
It’s clear, tho, that the real costs of policing are the SOCIAL costs.
It also makes clear that focusing on high profile cases of police killing miss the far vaster social costs of routine stops and searches (which ppl have said can, for ex, essentially turn into sexual assaults).
Obv police killings are bad! But imp to note harm of searches too.
I think it is worth digging into the dynamics here a bit deeper, rather than framing it as just “centrist vs prog Dems,” which seems to be the thrust here.
I think this is a reminder “crim legal reform” isn’t a monolith, bc the system isn’t a monolith.
I think there is an instinct to frame things as competitive political races: is it tough-on-crime Adams, or reformist Bragg??
But it’s not either-or. It can be both-and, bc the mayor/police and the DA do very different jobs, may face different demands from constituents.
Krasner did best where shootings were highest. Foxx performs better (in primaries) in Chicago than the rest of Cook. Bragg campaigned on this very stuff—in 2021!—and won.
It’s clear there’s greater demand for reform DAs in areas with higher crime rates. We should LISTEN to that.
1. Bail reform goes into effect in 2020 (and gets mailed in 2020). So goes into effect right as Covid hits, which clearly impacted behavior, but also policing and arrests, in ways that may be complicated to untangle.
And 2. In LA, there was anecdotal evidence that police stopped making a lot of low-level drug arrests when lower weights went from felony to misdemeanor.
They didn’t see any point given the lack of real sanction.
Is there any reason Apple moved the address bar on the iPhone’s Safari from the top of the page—where it has been since Mosaic crawled out of the primordial Internet sludge in 1993—to the bottom, where it makes no sense and completely baffles me?
Feels SO MUCH like “… well, we have to change SOMETHING, so… move that from here to there for no reason?”
Ok, so this, annoyingly, makes a lot of sense.
I can’t type one-handed, bc I’m old and my fingers are apparently fat and mobile keyboards are just typo-machines, but … get it.
But also: this highlights how hard it is to interpret a poll like this, which forces people (by saying "pick the ONE most important") to THINK of "economic development" as something in a zero-sum challenge with "fighting crime."
I feel like polls are almost more informative for what their framing tells us about how we think of/choose to frame things rather than the results say.
Like this poll reflects how we think "crime is a criminal legal system issue," which... it's SO much more complex.
And we know that polls are SO sensitive to the order of questions, to the way questions are phrased, to the number of choices, to how the choices are phrased, etc., etc.
Yet our coverage is mostly just "LOOK AT THIS NUMBER. IT'S BIGGER THAN THAT ONE."