The Quran has a written form and recited forms. Its written form remained more or less unchanged. But the recited forms were sometimes at odds with what is written in the text.
A thread on what scribes did to alleviate these conflicts, in early Quranic manuscripts.🧵
Conflicts between the written and the recited should be familiar to those who know the Hebrew Bible, which shows a peculiar interplay between the standard written text (ktiv), and its recitation (qre) which are not infrequently at odds with one another.
Such differences are marked with marginal ktiv-qre notes. Notes that point out that the word written is to be recited differently.
In Josh 13:16 the written באדם "at Adam", has a ktiv-qre note in the margin to point out it should be read מאדם "from Adam".
The has many such notes, some quite exotic. There are, for example, cases where the recited form adds a whole word absent in the text (which leaves disembodied vowels in the text), e.g. 2 Sam 8:3 spelled just בנהר "at the river" but recited binhar pəråṯ "at the Euphrates river".
Interventions in the consonantal skeleton by the Quranic reading traditions are not quite so drastic, and as such a deeply developed marginal note system never arose. Yet, vocalised manuscripts did need to find a way to deal with it. So how did they do it? Let's take a look.
Q18:38 لكنا "but as for me" has as most straightforward reading lākinnā. And the red vocalisation marks that.
But the majority of canonical readers read lākinna, which is marked as a secondary greeb reading by finishing the nūn with the curve of the nūn on the denticle.
A similar strategy is found with Q2:259 لم يتسنه which many readers read lam yatasannah (marked ni red), but some drop the final hāʾ in connected speech, lam yatasanna. This is once again marked with a green finishing of the nūn. The hāʾ also carries a green cancellation mark.
Likewise, the reading of Q6:90 اقتده as iqtadi instead of iqtadih, is marked with a cancellation sign over the hāʾ. This time the previous letter does not need to be modified, dāl already has its final form!
Most readers read Q19:19 لاهب in the natural way as the rasm suggests li-ʾahaba 'so that I may give'. But ʾAbū ʿAmr and Nāfiʿ read li-yahaba 'so that he may give'. This is marked in here by adding a red medial yāʾ between the lām-ʾalif and the hāʾ! li-ʾahaba marked in Green.
Another case where the primary reading adds to the rasm and the secondary reading does not. Primary (red) reads Q40:32 as at-tanādī, adding an extra red yāʾ to the text. Green marks at-tanādi.
But sometimes the written text disagrees with ALL reading traditions. Q18:10 hayyiʾ, is consistently spelled هيا in early Quranic manuscripts. But all read it hayyiʾ, where one expects a spelling هيى.
Scribe cancelled out the ʾalif with a dash, and added final yāʾ to the 1st yāʾ!
Sometimes, such interventions in the consonantal text are used to mark readings that are not strictly in agreement with the rasm.
Q3:97 ايت بينات has its tāʾs and ʾalif crossed out in green, and hāʾs added in order to spell ʾāyatun bayyinatun. a well-known non-canonical variant.
I find these kinds of original solutions to writing a reading that doesn't fully agree with the standard written text incredibly interesting and fun to see.
The system used seems quite formalized, although visually it looks a little sloppier than the Hebrew ktiv-qre system.
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Ibn Ḫālawayh's (d. 380) Kitāb al-Badīʿ is an interesting book on the Qirāʾāt because it's the earliest surviving work that tries to simplify the transmissions of the readings, and does it rather differently from what becomes popular, the system of Ibn Ġalbūn the father (d. 389)
Ibn Ḫālawayh was Ibn Muǧāhid's student, who is widely held to be the canonizer of the seven reading traditions. Ibn Muǧāhid's book is the earliest book on the 7 reading traditions. But canon or not, Ibn Ḫālawayh's book actually describes 8 (adding Yaʿqūb).
Today the simplified system (and the only surviving one) is the "two-rawi canon". Each of the 7 readers, have two standard transmitters (all of them were once transmitter by more transmitters than those two). This system was introduced by ʾAbū al-Ṭayyib Ibn Ġalbūn in his ʾiršād.
NEW PUBLICATION: "Pronominal variation in Arabic among grammarians, Qurʾānic readings traditions and manuscripts".
This article has been in publication hell for 4 years. But it was an seminal work for my current research project, and a great collaboration with Hythem Sidky.
🧵
In this paper we try to describe the pronominal system used in early Islamic Classical Arabic. There is a striking amount of variation in this period, most of which does not survive into "standard classical Arabic".
We first look at the grammarians and how they describe the pronominal system.. Much of this description is already in my book (Van Putten 2022), but I assure you we wrote this way before I wrote that 🥲
Notable here is that Sībawayh prescribes minhū instead of now standard minhu.
In my book "Quranic Arabic" I argue that if you look closely at the Quranic rasm you can deduce that the text has been composed in Hijazi Arabic (and later classicized into more mixed forms in the reading traditions). Can we identify dialects in poetry?
I think this is possible to some extent, yes. And so far this has really not been done at all. Most of the time people assume complete linguistic uniformity in the poetry, and don't really explore it further.
But there are a number of rather complex issues to contend with:
As @Quranic_Islam already identified, there are some philological problems that get in the way in poetry that aren't there for the Quran: I would not trust a hamzah being written in a written down poem. This might be classicization. So it's hard to test for this Hijazi isogloss.
Last year I was asked to give a talk at the NISIS Autumn School about the textual history of the Quran. Here's a thread summarizing the points of that presentation. Specifically the presentation addresses some of Shoemaker's new objections on the Uthmanic canonization.
Traditionally, the third caliph ʿUṯmān is believed to have standardized the text.
However, in critical scholarship of the '70s the historicity of this view came to be questioned.
How can we really be sure that what the tradition tells us is correct?
This skepticism wasn't wholly unwarranted at the time. The Uthmanic canonization really had been uncritically accepted, not based on any material evidence.
But we now have access to many manuscripts, beautifully digitized, we can test the historicity of these claims!
The canonical Kufan readers Ḥamzah and al-Kisāʾī read the word ʾumm "mother" or ʾummahāt "mothers" with a kasrah whenever -ī or -i precedes, e.g.:
Q43:4 fī ʾimmi l-kitābi
Q39:6/Q53:32 fī buṭūni ʾimma/ihātikum
This seems random, but there is a general pattern here! 🧵
This feature was explained al-Farrāʾ in a lengthy discussion at the start of his Maʿānī. This makes sense: al-Farrāʾ was al-Kisāʾī's student who in turn was Ḥamzah's. Surprisingly in "The Iconic Sībawayh" Brustad is under the misapprehension that this is not a canonical variant.
This is irregular, such a vowel harmony does not occur in cases with other words that starts with ʾu-. For example, Q13:30 is just fī ʾummatin, not **fī ʾimmatin.
However this irregular reading is part of a larger pattern of vowel harmony accross guttural consonants.
Those who have read my book on Quranic Arabic may have noticed that I translate The Arabic word luġah as "linguistic practice", rather than "dialect" which is how many people commonly translate it.
This is for good reason: among the Arab grammarians it did not mean dialect! 🧵
In Modern Standard Arabic, luġah basically just means "language", as can be seen, e.g. on the Arabic Wikipedia page on the Dutch Language which calls it al-luġah al-hūlandiyyah.
This modern use gets projected onto the early Arab grammarians like Sībawayh and al-Farrāʾ.
But, they clearly do not mean that to the early grammarians. This is clear from statements like Sībawayh saying: faʿil forms that have a guttural consonant as second radical have four "luġāt": faʿil, fiʿil, faʿl and fiʿl.
In English a word or word-form cannot "have" a dialect.