Last week, some rightwing media misrepresented something I posted on Twitter as evidence of liberal hysteria - yet another woke professor proving how illiberal the Left really is. What else is new?! But: What they said is actually quite revealing. So, here are some thoughts:
Both “Reason” and the “Washington Examiner” targeted a relatively innocuous thread in which I praised the recent “Every day is Jan. 6 now” intervention by the NYT editorial board, but also criticized the paper for not really following that maxim in any consistent way.
According to these rightwing outlets, what I wrote was a manifestation of deranged alarmism, typical liberal hysteria – an outrageously illiberal attack on all conservatives, an undemocratic call to deplatform and boycott all politicians of a major party.
Here’s that argument again, by the same person who wrote the WashEx critique.
Well, I guess we can imagine a world in which this is plausible – but it’s not the one in which we live. Over here, there is only one pro-democracy party and one that is embracing authoritarianism.
Likewise, I was not attacking “conservatism” as an abstract principle, or “traditional hierarchies” in a vacuum. I was referring to conservatism as a political project, in the aftermath of Jan. 6, in the specific context of an accelerating onslaught on democracy from the Right.
In this context, what are those “traditional hierarchies”? We’re not talking about “family values” or “Christian traditions” in the abstract – but about the project to keep white men in charge at the expense of everyone else. That’s at the core of the current political conflict.
Most importantly: I’m not saying “If you are attached to traditional hierarchies, you are anti-democratic” - I’m saying: If you insist on upholding those traditional hierarchies *against the will of the majority* and by authoritarian measures, you are anti-democratic.
So yes, you got me: I am indeed arguing that conservative politicians, intellectuals, and activists who reject the results of democratic elections and are fundamentally unwilling to accept the need to deliberate and compromise in a pluralistic society are a threat to democracy.
The reality that too many conservative commentators either don’t want to acknowledge or actively seek to obscure is that modern conservatism - not as an abstract body of thought, but as a concrete political project – has always been defined by anti-democratic tendencies.
The Republican Party has been on an anti-democratic trajectory since modern conservatism became the animating force within the GOP in the final third of the twentieth century, causing the party to focus almost exclusively on the interests and sensibilities of white conservatives.
As the country has become less white, less Christian, and more pluralistic over time due to demographic and cultural changes, these long-standing tendencies have radicalized to the point where the Republican Party has openly embraced authoritarianism.
So, no, “If Republicans win, democracy loses” is not “ironic,” but simply a realistic assessment of where we are. No measure of willful ignorance, bad-faith misrepresentation, or aggressive anti-anti-Trumpism will change that.
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This is the clearest example of how too much of the establishment media is actively complicit in the Republican assault on the political system in the exact way it was during the Obama years: All Republicans have to do is make functional governance impossible and blame Democrats.
I’m as frustrated as anyone by the fact that some establishment democrats still insist a return to “normalcy” is imminent (any minute now!), when Republicans could not be clearer about the fact that they consider Democratic governance fundamentally illegitimate.
Part 2 (of 3) of my conversation with @ardenthistorian on the @KreuzundFlagge podcast: We are back debating the past and present of U.S. democracy and what is animating the anti-democratic radicalization of the American Right.
We’re covering a lot of ground in these podcasts, and they’re helping me, personally, to get the big picture right. Here is an incomplete list of the topics we discussed – and once again, I’ll include a few links to previous reflections to provide some more evidence (in English):
How the current onslaught on democracy can be situated in the longer-term context of democracy’s contested history since the Civil War, and the evolving forms of anti-democratic obstruction on the Right:
In U.S. history, the price for extending democracy has always been political instability - or: division - because demands for equality are inherently destabilizing to a political order of white elite rule.
Sinema chooses to uphold that order. The rest is self-serving noise.
That doesn’t mean there aren’t opportunistic considerations shaping her choice: She certainly wants to present herself as the one who stands up to the “radicals” in her own party – and apparently, she believes this might even carry her to the presidency one day…
But ideology circumscribes and defines the realm of opportunity. If Sinema were strongly committed to the idea of multiracial democracy, this type of opportunism wouldn’t be an option for her right now.
The fever dream of reactionary centrism: A center-right re-alignment of American politics, all in the name of defending democracy against Trump - while also upholding the traditional order against the forces of multiracial pluralism. Wow.
In this vision, Trump and the excesses of militant Trumpism are excluded from the “respectable” spectrum of American politics – but so are all the “radical Leftists” like Bernie Sanders, and all those “woke” activists and crazy “critical race theorists.”
The desired result is a new normal that not only glorifies the status quo, but actually restores a more secure white elite dominance. With the exception of Big Lie-inspired election subversion, Cheney does not seem to have a problem with the GOP’s other undemocratic tools.
I respect Kinzinger taking a stand against the authoritarian assault on democracy. But his continued insistence that his Republican colleagues are just scared and cowardly obscures the actual problem: Most of them are on board with the anti-democratic radicalization. 1/
The “cowardice” tale is so attractive for several reasons: It provides cover for Republicans (better a coward than an extremist); and it allows the news media to cling to the conception of the GOP as a “normal” party that is just struggling with an authoritarian insurrection. 2/
But the “cowardice” narrative fails to explain the actions of Republican elected officials up and down the country – particularly on the state and local levels – who are actively complicit and often seem to revel in the attack on democracy. 3/
On a rainy Sunday afternoon, a somewhat gloomy thought on January 6 and the mainstream media: This past week, every major outlet published pieces emphasizing the acute threat to democracy. Good! But that was the easy part. The tough part: What happens during the rest of the year?
I’ll mention this intervention by the @nytimes editorial board as representative of the many such pieces that have come out: I agree with every word in it. But the question is: Is the NYT willing to make sure that the paper’s political coverage actually reflects these warnings?
I think the @nytimes, as an institution, would have to make some serious changes if it really took the idea that “Every Day Is Jan. 6 Now” to heart and made it the paper’s operating principle going forward.