I’d say 5 percent of the blame goes to Biden for constantly evoking “bipartisanship” throughout 2021, opening the door for such criticism.

But 95 percent of the blame goes to Chuck Todd for framing this as anything but a result of complete Republican obstruction. Just bizarre.
This is the clearest example of how too much of the establishment media is actively complicit in the Republican assault on the political system in the exact way it was during the Obama years: All Republicans have to do is make functional governance impossible and blame Democrats.
I’m as frustrated as anyone by the fact that some establishment democrats still insist a return to “normalcy” is imminent (any minute now!), when Republicans could not be clearer about the fact that they consider Democratic governance fundamentally illegitimate.
But aside from the anti-democratic distortions of the political system without which this Republican strategy of minority obstruction could not succeed, it also relies heavily on the establishment media obscuring or legitimizing it. And the Chuck Todd types never fail to oblige.
While I completely agree that what Todd and people like him offer isn’t serious analysis, I don’t think it’s the result of naivety. It’s worse, more structural and more ideological. It’s a combination of what might be called *performative* centrism and *reactionary* centrism.
A few weeks ago, @perrybaconjr criticized the *performative* centrism by people like Chuck Todd. Performative centrism reacts to a system that incentivizes constant demonstrations of “neutrality” and “nonpartisanship” - “let me show how not liberal I am,” as Perry Bacon put it.
It’s a massive problem that goes well beyond journalism: Much like journalists, academic observers, for instance, also get rewarded for being “nonpartisan,” and so the political discourse incentivizes analysts to signal “neutrality” by blaming #BothSides.
But there is also a more deeply ideological explanation for what Chuck Todd is doing here – something that might be called “reactionary centrism.” I think we must assume that Chuck Todd really has a problem with Biden, and doesn’t see the Republican threat as quite so dangerous.
I’d argue that white elitism adds an important element: People like Chuck Todd feel a kinship with Republican/conservative elites, and that clouds their perspective of who these reactionaries really are. “How bad could it possibly be – I know these people, they are like me!”
It is precisely because they, as predominantly white men, aren’t affected in the same way as people who happen to be *not* white men that their perspective on the threat of a white nationalist reactionary regime is different.
Let’s call it the “I just don’t have that big of a problem with what’s going on because no one is threatening my position in this political and social order, and so how bad could it be, because after all, I should be in charge, and I will remain in charge” worldview.
The Republican dogma – that the world works best if it’s run by wealthy white men and thus should always be run by wealthy white men - has a certain appeal to wealthy white elites, regardless of party (or, at the very least, is simply less threatening to them).
As a matter of fact, from the perspective of white male elites, regardless of party, it is even reasonable to assume the bigger immediate threat to their status coming from the “Left” – from what David Brooks, in his uncanny wisdom, calls the “leftish agenda.”
It is true that an agenda seeking to move America from being a restricted, white men’s democracy that left existing hierarchies largely intact to a functioning multiracial, pluralistic, social democracy is a losing proposition for people who have traditionally been at the top.
For reactionary centrists, this change has already gone too far. They want to turn the clock back a little bit, to a time before what they see as the current excesses of radical leftism / wokeism - to when the privileged position of wealthy white elites was a little more secure.
So, while I don’t think Chuck Todd is a Republican, I think his perspective on American politics is shaped by an underlying ideology that makes it just that much more plausible to see Biden’s agenda as “unreasonable” and to blame him for a lack of “bipartisanship” and “outreach.”
If you combine a system that incentivizes *performative* centrism with an underlying ideology of *reactionary* centrism that is so pervasive among wealthy white elites, you get the type of media coverage and expert punditry that remains complicit in the assault on democracy.

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More from @tzimmer_history

Jan 15,
Part 2 (of 3) of my conversation with @ardenthistorian on the @KreuzundFlagge podcast: We are back debating the past and present of U.S. democracy and what is animating the anti-democratic radicalization of the American Right.
We’re covering a lot of ground in these podcasts, and they’re helping me, personally, to get the big picture right. Here is an incomplete list of the topics we discussed – and once again, I’ll include a few links to previous reflections to provide some more evidence (in English):
How the current onslaught on democracy can be situated in the longer-term context of democracy’s contested history since the Civil War, and the evolving forms of anti-democratic obstruction on the Right:
Read 11 tweets
Jan 15,
In U.S. history, the price for extending democracy has always been political instability - or: division - because demands for equality are inherently destabilizing to a political order of white elite rule.

Sinema chooses to uphold that order. The rest is self-serving noise.
That doesn’t mean there aren’t opportunistic considerations shaping her choice: She certainly wants to present herself as the one who stands up to the “radicals” in her own party – and apparently, she believes this might even carry her to the presidency one day…
But ideology circumscribes and defines the realm of opportunity. If Sinema were strongly committed to the idea of multiracial democracy, this type of opportunism wouldn’t be an option for her right now.
Read 4 tweets
Jan 14,
Last week, some rightwing media misrepresented something I posted on Twitter as evidence of liberal hysteria - yet another woke professor proving how illiberal the Left really is. What else is new?! But: What they said is actually quite revealing. So, here are some thoughts: ImageImageImageImage
Both “Reason” and the “Washington Examiner” targeted a relatively innocuous thread in which I praised the recent “Every day is Jan. 6 now” intervention by the NYT editorial board, but also criticized the paper for not really following that maxim in any consistent way.
According to these rightwing outlets, what I wrote was a manifestation of deranged alarmism, typical liberal hysteria – an outrageously illiberal attack on all conservatives, an undemocratic call to deplatform and boycott all politicians of a major party. ImageImageImageImage
Read 12 tweets
Jan 13,
The fever dream of reactionary centrism: A center-right re-alignment of American politics, all in the name of defending democracy against Trump - while also upholding the traditional order against the forces of multiracial pluralism. Wow.
In this vision, Trump and the excesses of militant Trumpism are excluded from the “respectable” spectrum of American politics – but so are all the “radical Leftists” like Bernie Sanders, and all those “woke” activists and crazy “critical race theorists.”
The desired result is a new normal that not only glorifies the status quo, but actually restores a more secure white elite dominance. With the exception of Big Lie-inspired election subversion, Cheney does not seem to have a problem with the GOP’s other undemocratic tools.
Read 14 tweets
Jan 11,
I respect Kinzinger taking a stand against the authoritarian assault on democracy. But his continued insistence that his Republican colleagues are just scared and cowardly obscures the actual problem: Most of them are on board with the anti-democratic radicalization. 1/
The “cowardice” tale is so attractive for several reasons: It provides cover for Republicans (better a coward than an extremist); and it allows the news media to cling to the conception of the GOP as a “normal” party that is just struggling with an authoritarian insurrection. 2/
But the “cowardice” narrative fails to explain the actions of Republican elected officials up and down the country – particularly on the state and local levels – who are actively complicit and often seem to revel in the attack on democracy. 3/
Read 17 tweets
Jan 9,
On a rainy Sunday afternoon, a somewhat gloomy thought on January 6 and the mainstream media: This past week, every major outlet published pieces emphasizing the acute threat to democracy. Good! But that was the easy part. The tough part: What happens during the rest of the year?
I’ll mention this intervention by the @nytimes editorial board as representative of the many such pieces that have come out: I agree with every word in it. But the question is: Is the NYT willing to make sure that the paper’s political coverage actually reflects these warnings?
I think the @nytimes, as an institution, would have to make some serious changes if it really took the idea that “Every Day Is Jan. 6 Now” to heart and made it the paper’s operating principle going forward.
Read 9 tweets

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