But it’s also important to look at Johnson’s claim on 1.12.21. Regardless of what he knew/understood when he went into the garden on 20.5.20, is it credible that *after* that event, he still believed that guidance had been completely followed in No 10?
Is it also credible that - months after the party on the eve of Prince Philip’s funeral - he still knew so little about it (or other similar events) that he genuinely believed on 1.12.21 that “guidance was followed completely”?
Or is his defence that he only meant to claim that guidance was completely followed *on 18 December*?
But that is not what he said - and such a defence looks nitpicking at best - and remember that the critical question is whether the statement was misleading - so “technically accurate but misleading” doesn’t help.
Or is his defence that he genuinely thought that all these events complied with guidance? But if the press reports are even roughly accurate it’s hard to see how that could be a credible position for him to take.
Sue Gray’s report is unlikely to contain findings on those issues directly. It will be for Tory MPs to decide if her findings leave any serious room for Johnson to defend what he told Parliament as being anything other than knowingly misleading.
And if they conclude that they don’t leave him any such room, their duty is to remove him, if he refuses to go of his own accord.
• • •
Missing some Tweet in this thread? You can try to
force a refresh
The law at the time. Note 7(2)(d)(i) and (3). No gatherings - defined as 2 or more present together in order to engage in any form of social interaction or activity with each other (even for 10 minutes). Includes wishing happy birthday and consuming cake.
Insisting that a serving Prime Minister should not knowingly mislead Parliament, and that if he has he must resign, is *defending* our democracy, not “undermining” or “belittling” it.
We do not elect our governments or MPs with carte blanche to do anything they like. That would be episodic autocracy. We elect them to operate within the rules of our constitution. Which is representative democracy.
And one of the few hard-edged conventions with hard-edged consequences in our constitutional arrangements is that if Ministers knowingly mislead Parliament, they resign.
Interesting analysis by @lewis_goodall last night on Newsnight on whether Johnson has lied to Parliament on Partygate.
One issue is whether he has lied in relation to what he knew/was told about the 20 May BYOB event before it happened. That will depend on evidence (written/oral).
Another issue - which Lewis correctly took separately - is whether this statement on 1.1.21 was a lie.
Which is why it doesn’t really matter (see the #r4today discussion with Heappy) whether Johnson knew what the event was before he arrived. He was there - on his own admission - for 25 minutes.
What we are being asked to believe is that Johnson could have been at a “work event” or party, with booze and people taking advantage of the lovely weather together, without realising that it breached rules and guidance (see @AdamWagner1’s explanation of what they were).
If anyone does manage to believe that, I’m impressed. Perhaps it’s something they practise at training sessions for Conservative candidates.
The central pillar of our system of parliamentary democracy is ministers’ accountability to Parliament. That pillar is built on sand if ministers - especially the PM - lie to Parliament without having to resign.
The interesting question is what happens politically if she says that the PM's behaviour raises questions outside the scope of her inquiry and recommends/suggests that he refers himself to Lord Geidt. As I read it, that recommendation/suggestion would be in scope.
(And in any event, the facts may well make it obvious that there are serious questions under the Code - as matters stand, it’s hard to see how there aren’t.)